This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. (Learn how and when to remove these template messages)
The relationship between the People's Republic of China and the United States of America has been complex since 1949. After 1980 the economic ties grew rapidly. The relationship is one of close economic ties, as well as hegemonic rivalry in the Asia-Pacific. It has been described by world leaders and academics as the world's most important bilateral relationship of the 21st century.
|Embassy of China, Washington, D.C.||Embassy of the United States, Beijing|
|Chinese Ambassador to the United States Qin Gang||American Ambassador to China David Meale (Charge d'affairs)|
As of 2021[update], the United States has the world's largest economy and China has the second largest although China has a larger GDP when measured by PPP. Historically, relations between the two countries have generally been stable with some periods of open conflict, most notably during the Korean War and the Vietnam War. Currently, the United States and China have mutual political, economic, and security interests, such as the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, but there are unresolved concerns relating to the role of democracy in government in China and human rights in China. China is the second largest foreign creditor of the United States, after Japan. The two countries remain in dispute over territorial issues in the South China Sea; China claims sovereignty over virtually the entire South China Sea, while the United States sees it as international waters and claims the right for its warships and aircraft to conduct operations in the area.
Relations with China began slowly until the 1845 Treaty of Wangxia. The US was allied to the Republic of China during the Pacific War against Japan (1941–1945) but, after the victory of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in Mainland China during the Chinese Civil War, fought a major armed conflict with the People's Republic of China in the Korean War and did not establish relations for 25 years, until President Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China. Since Nixon's visit, every US president, with the exception of Jimmy Carter, has toured China. Relations with China have strained under President Barack Obama's Asia pivot strategy. Despite tensions during his term, the Chinese population's favorability of the US stood at 51% in Obama's last year of 2016, only to fall during the Trump administration. According to a 2020 survey by the Pew Research Center, 22% of Americans have a favorable view of China, with 73% expressing an unfavorable view, one of the most negative perceptions of China. The poll also found that 24% (plurality) of Americans see China as the top threat to the US. Furthermore, a survey of Chinese public opinions also found a corresponding decrease in favorability towards the US, with 61% expressing an unfavorable view.
The relationship deteriorated sharply under U.S. president Donald Trump and CCP general secretary Xi Jinping, with issues such as China's militarization of the South China Sea and Chinese espionage in the United States arising. The Trump administration labeled China a "strategic competitor" starting with the 2017 National Security Strategy. It subsequently launched a trade war against China, banned US companies from selling equipment to Huawei and other companies linked to human rights abuses in Xinjiang, increased visa restrictions on Chinese nationality students and scholars and designated China as a currency manipulator. During the Trump administration, and especially since the US-China trade war began, political observers have started to warn that a new cold war is emerging. By May 2020 the relationship had deteriorated to the lowest point as both sides were recruiting allies to attack the other regarding guilt for the worldwide COVID-19 pandemic.
Tensions between the United States and China have remained under the Biden administration, which made China one of its focal points in implementing U.S. foreign policy. The more confrontational stance has endured, with the Biden administration focusing on China's treatment of Hong Kong, its threats against Taiwan, the Uyghur genocide, and Chinese cyberwarfare. In response, China has adopted "wolf warrior diplomacy" to deny all accusations of human rights abuses.
Harold Isaacs published Scratches on our Minds: American Images of China and India in 1955. By reviewing the popular and scholarly literature on Asia that appeared in the United States and by interviewing many American experts, Isaacs identified six stages of American attitudes toward China. They were "respect" (18th century), "contempt" (1840–1905), "benevolence" (1905 to 1937), "admiration" (1937–1944); "disenchantment" (1944–1949), and "hostility" (after 1949). In 1990, historian Jonathan Spence updated Isaac's model to include "reawakened curiosity" (1970–1974); "guileless fascination" (1974–1979), and "renewed skepticism" (1980s).
Political scientist Peter Rudolf said that Americans see China as a threat to the established order in its drive for regional hegemony in East Asia now, and a future aspirant for global supremacy. Beijing rejects these notions, but continues its assertive policies and its quest for allies.
As the paramount leader, Mao Zedong was able to impose his views on the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the government, and the media. Washington ignored the possibility that its decision in June 1950 to defend South Korea, and then in September to invade North Korea, would alarm China. But it did, and in November 1950 the Chinese responded by a massive invasion of North Korea that pushed the Allies south of the 38th parallel. By 1951 the situation had stabilized close to the original 38th parallel dividing line. The new Eisenhower administration in Washington in 1953 made it clear the fighting had to stop, hinting it might use nuclear weapons if needed. Finding a solution to the problem of repatriating prisoners of war, both sites settled for an armistice in 1953, and China removed its forces from North Korea. No peace treaty was ever signed, and North Korean and South Korean forces remained into the 21st century in a face-off, with a large American contingent still based in South Korea.
In the late 1950s, Mao could not tolerate the anti-Stalinist program led by Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev. Ideological tensions escalated between Beijing and Moscow almost to the verge of war. In nearly all capitalist countries and colonies, communist movements split between the old established pro-Moscow element, and the more radical upstart pro-Beijing Maoists. Although still not friendly to the United States, Mao realized that the American anti-Soviet posture in the Cold War was to his advantage as long as China was militarily much less powerful than neighboring Soviet Union.
According to Cai Xia, a retired professor and political theorist formerly at the CCP Central Party School, it was Mao Zedong who "opened the door", but it was Deng Xiaoping who founded the strategic framework for the "engagement" between the U.S. and China. By the end of the Cultural Revolution, China's economy was at the edge of collapse, shaking the foundation of the CCP's rule. China's subsequent rapid economic development and tremendous changes are inseparable from the help of the US government and the American people in areas such as science, technology, education, culture, and economics. Cai said that Deng also chose the "engagement policy" because China could rely on the strength of the US to hedge against Soviet threats.
Cai argued that the "engagement policy" had already ended because there was "fundamental misjudgment by the United States about the nature of the Chinese Communist Party and regime, which in turn has made the US a victim of its own policy." She added, "Wishful thinking about 'engagement' must be replaced by hardheaded defensive measures to protect the United States from the CCP's aggression—while bringing offensive pressures to bear on it, as the Chinese Communist Party is much more fragile than Americans assume."
Origins of the People's Republic of ChinaEdit
The United States did not formally recognize the People's Republic of China (PRC) for 30 years after its founding. Instead, the US maintained diplomatic relations with the Republic of China government on Taiwan, recognizing it as the sole legitimate government of China.
As the People's Liberation Army moved south to complete the conquest of mainland China in 1949, the American embassy followed Chiang Kai-shek's Republic of China government to Taipei, while US consular officials remained in mainland China. In December 1950, the People's Republic seized all American assets and properties, totaling $196.8 million. Prior to this, the US had frozen Chinese assets in America following the PRC's entry into the Korean War in November.
The Korean War began on 25 June with the invasion of South Korea by the North Korea, a Communist state with close ties to Moscow and Beijing. In response the United Nations Security Council was passed UNSC Resolution 82, declaring war on North Korea unanimously. The Soviet Union, with veto power, was boycotting UN proceedings. The American-led U.N. offensive pushed the invaders back past the north–south border at the 38th parallel and began to approach the Yalu River on the China-North Korea border. The UN had authorized the reunification of Korea and China could not tolerate hostile forces on its Yalu River border with Korea. PRC Premier and foreign minister Zhou Enlai's warning that it would intervene in the war on grounds of national security was dismissed by President Truman. In late October 1950, China's intervention began with the Battle of Onjong. During the Battle of the Ch'ongch'on River, the People's Volunteer Army overran or outflanked the UN forces, leading to the defeat of the US Eighth Army. A ceasefire presented by the UN to the PRC shortly after the Battle of the Ch'ongch'on River on 11 December 1950 was rejected by the Mao administration which was convinced of its invincibility after its victory in that battle and the wider Second Phase Offensive, and also wanted demonstrate China's desire for a total victory through the expulsion of the UN forces from Korea. The Chinese were victorious in the Third Battle of Seoul and the Battle of Hoengsong, but the UN forces recovered and pushed back to about the 38th parallel. Stalemate resulted. The stalemate ended when the Korean Armistice Agreement was signed on 27 July 1953. Since then, a divided Korea has become an important factor in US-China relations, with large American forces stationed in South Korea.
The People's Republic of China provided resources and training to North Vietnam, and in the summer of 1962, Mao agreed to supply Hanoi with 90,000 rifles and guns free of charge. After the launch of the America's Operation Rolling Thunder in 1965, China sent anti-aircraft units and engineering battalions to North Vietnam to repair the damage caused by American bombing, rebuild roads and railroads, and perform other engineering work, freeing additional hundreds of thousands North Vietnamese Army units for combat in American supported South Vietnam. The United States lost 58,159 troops in the Vietnam War.
The Chinese presence in North Vietnam was well known to US officials, and can explain a number of factors surrounding American strategy in the conflict. In particular, President Lyndon B. Johnson and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara ruled out the possibility of a ground invasion of North Vietnam early on, for fear of repeating the Korean War but now with a thermonuclear-armed China. However, it is unclear exactly what Beijing's reaction to a US invasion of North Vietnam would have been—Mao Zedong reportedly told journalist Edgar Snow in 1965 that China had no intention of fighting to save the Hanoi regime and would not engage the US military unless it crossed into Chinese territory. On other occasions, Mao expressed confidence that the People's Liberation Army could take on the US again, much like it did in Korea. Whatever Chinese plans might have been, the Johnson administration was unwilling to tempt fate and so US ground troops never crossed into North Vietnam.
Freezing of relationsEdit
Between 1949 and 1971, US–China relations were uniformly hostile, with frequent propaganda attacks in both directions. At the 1954 Geneva Conference, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles forbade any contact with the Chinese delegation, refusing to shake hands with Zhou Enlai, the lead Chinese negotiator. Relations deteriorated under President John F. Kennedy (1961–1963). Before the Cuban Missile Crisis, policymakers in Washington were uncertain whether or not China would break with the Soviet Union on the basis of ideology, national ambitions, and readiness for a role in guiding communist activities in many countries. New insight came with the Sino-Indian border war in November 1962 and Beijing's response to the Cuban Missile Crisis. Kennedy administration officials concluded that China was more militant and more dangerous than the Soviet Union, making better relations with Moscow desirable, with both nations trying to contain Chinese ambitions. Diplomatic recognition of China remained out of the question, as a crucial veto power on the UN Security Council was held by America's ally on Taiwan. The United States continued to work to prevent the PRC from taking China's seat in the United Nations and encouraged its allies not to deal with the PRC. The United States placed an embargo on trading with the PRC, and encouraged allies to follow it.
The PRC developed nuclear weapons in 1964 and, as later declassified documents revealed, President Johnson considered preemptive attacks to halt its nuclear program. He ultimately decided the measure carried too much risk and it was abandoned. Instead Johnson looked for ways to improve relations. The American public seemed more open to the idea of expanding contacts with China, such as relaxation of the trade embargo. But the War in Vietnam was raging with China aiding North Vietnam. Mao's Great Leap Forward had failed in its goal to properly industrialize China and sparked a famine, and his Cultural Revolution exercised hostility to the U.S. In the end Johnson made no move to change the standoff.
Despite official non-recognition, the United States and the People's Republic of China held 136 meetings at the ambassadorial level beginning in 1954 and continuing until 1970, first in Geneva and in 1958–1970 in Warsaw.
Beginning in 1967, the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission established the China Claims Program, in which American citizens could denominate the sum total of their lost assets and property following the Communist seizure of foreign property in 1950. American companies were reluctant to invest in China despite (future leader) Deng Xiaoping's reassurances of a stable business environment.
The end of the 1960s brought a period of transformation. For China, when American president Johnson decided to wind down the Vietnam War in 1968, it gave China an impression that the US had no interest of expanding in Asia anymore while the USSR became a more serious threat as it intervened in Czechoslovakia to displace a communist government and might well interfere in China.
This became an especially important concern for the People's Republic of China after the Sino-Soviet border conflict of 1969. The PRC was diplomatically isolated and the leadership came to believe that improved relations with the United States would be a useful counterbalance to the Soviet threat. Zhou Enlai, the Premier of China, was at the forefront of this effort with the committed backing of Chairman Mao Zedong. In 1969, the United States initiated measures to relax trade restrictions and other impediments to bilateral contact, to which China responded. However, this rapprochement process was stalled by the Vietnam War where China was supporting the enemies of the United States. Communication between Chinese and American leaders, however, was conducted through Romania, Pakistan and Poland as intermediaries.
In the United States, academics such as John K. Fairbank and A. Doak Barnett pointed to the need to deal realistically with the Beijing government, while organizations such as the National Committee on United States–China Relations sponsored debates to promote public awareness. Many saw the specter of Communist China behind communist movements in Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, but a growing number concluded that if the PRC would align with the US it would mean a major redistribution of global power against the Soviets. Mainland China's market of nearly one billion consumers appealed to American business. Senator J. William Fulbright, Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, held a series of hearings on the matter.
Richard M. Nixon mentioned in his inaugural address that the two countries were entering an era of negotiation after an era of confrontation. Although Nixon during his 1960 presidential campaign had vociferously supported Chiang Kai-Shek, by the second half of the decade, he increasingly began to speak of there "being no reason to leave China angry and isolated". Nixon's election as president in 1968 was initially met with hostility by Beijing—an editorial in the People's Daily denounced him as "a chieftain whom the capitalist world had turned to out of desperation". Nixon believed it was in the American national interest to forge a relationship with China, even though there were enormous differences between the two countries. He was assisted in this by his National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger. Domestic politics also entered into Nixon's thinking, as the boost from a successful courting of the PRC could help him in the 1972 American presidential election. He also worried that one of the Democrats would preempt him and go to the PRC before he had the opportunity.
In 1971, an unexpectedly friendly encounter between the American and Chinese ping-pong athletes called Glenn Cowan and Zhuang Zedong in Japan opened the way for a visit to China, which Chairman Mao personally approved. In April 1971, the athletes became the first Americans to officially visit China since the communist takeover. The smooth acceptance of this created the term "ping-pong diplomacy", and gave confidence to both sides. The ping-pong diplomacy allowed reporters into the country as well, opening up communication to both sides, and breaking a barrier that had been there previously. This smoothed out the start of the trade partnership that was going to happen later. In July 1971, Henry Kissinger feigned illness while on a trip to Pakistan and did not appear in public for a day. He was actually on a top-secret mission to Beijing to negotiate with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai.
Kissinger and his aides did not receive a warm welcome in Beijing, and the hotel they stayed in was equipped with pamphlets excoriating US imperialism. However, the meeting with Zhou Enlai was productive, and the Chinese premier expressed his hope for improved Sino-US relations. He commented that the US had intentionally isolated China, not vice versa, and any initiative to restore diplomatic ties had to come from the American side. Zhou spoke of the late President Kennedy's plans to restore relations with China and told Kissinger "We are willing to wait as long as we need to. If these negotiations fail, in time another Kennedy or another Nixon will come along."
This announcement caused immediate shock around the world. In the United States, some hard-line anti-communists (most notably libertarian Republican Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater) denounced the decision, but most public opinion supported the move and Nixon saw the jump in the polls he had been hoping for. Since Nixon had sterling anti-communist credentials he was all but immune to being called "soft on communism." Nixon and his aides wanted to ensure that press coverage offered dramatic imagery. Nixon was particularly eager for strong news coverage.
Within the PRC there was also opposition from left-wing elements. This effort was allegedly led by Lin Biao, head of the military, who died in a mysterious plane crash over Mongolia while trying to defect to the Soviet Union. His death silenced most internal dissent over the visit.
Internationally, reactions varied. In the communist world, the Soviets were very concerned that two major enemies seemed to have resolved their differences, and the new world alignment contributed significantly to the policy of détente. Romania's president Nicolae Ceaușescu praised the US initiative as a "move for world peace".[This quote needs a citation] Several communist nations, including Cuba, Albania, and North Vietnam, accused China of "capitulationism to the imperialists".[This quote needs a citation] North Korea proclaimed that it was the reverse and that the US had been forced to capitulate to China, having failed to isolate it.
America's European allies and Canada were pleased by the initiative, especially since many of them had already recognized the PRC. In Asia, the reaction was far more mixed. Japan was annoyed that it had not been told of the announcement until fifteen minutes before it had been made, and feared that the Americans were abandoning them in favor of the PRC. A short time later, Japan also recognized the PRC and committed to substantial trade with the continental power. South Korea and South Vietnam were both concerned that peace between the United States and the PRC could mean an end to American support for them against their communist enemies. Throughout the period of rapprochement, both countries had to be regularly assured that they would not be abandoned. Taiwan have a criticize by Chiang Kai-Shek: "Today any international appease movement to evil power to seek for political power balance would never helpful for the world peace, instead it elongated the hardship of our 700 million people, and expand the disaster of the world."
From 21 to 28 February 1972, President Nixon traveled to Beijing, Hangzhou, and Shanghai. At the conclusion of his trip, the US and the PRC issued the Shanghai Communiqué, a statement of their respective foreign policy views. In the Communiqué, both nations pledged to work toward the full normalization of diplomatic relations. This did not lead to immediate recognition of the People's Republic of China but 'liaison offices' were established in Beijing and Washington. The US acknowledged the PRC position that all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait maintain that there is only one China and that Taiwan is part of China. The statement enabled the US and PRC to temporarily set aside the issue of Taiwan and open trade and communication. Also, the US and China both agreed to take action against 'any country' that is to establish 'hegemony' in the Asia-Pacific. On several issues, such as the ongoing conflicts in Korea, Vietnam, and Israel, the US and China were unable to reach a common understanding.
Most major anti-US propaganda disappeared in China after the Nixon visit; although there was still occasional criticism of US imperialism, the Soviet Union had definitively become China's arch-foe in the 1970s.
The rapprochement with the United States benefited the PRC immensely and greatly increased its security for the rest of the Cold War. It has been argued that the United States, on the other hand, saw fewer benefits than it had hoped for, inasmuch as China continued to back America's enemies in Hanoi and Pyongyang. Eventually, however, the PRC's suspicion of Vietnam's motives led to a break in Sino-Vietnamese cooperation and, upon the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1979, the Sino-Vietnamese War. Both China and the United States backed combatants in Africa against Soviet and Cuban-supported movements. The economic benefits of normalization were slow as it would take decades for American products to penetrate the vast Chinese market. While Nixon's China policy is regarded by many as the highlight of his presidency, others such as William Bundy have argued that it provided very little benefit to the United States.
Liaison Office (1973–1978)Edit
In May 1973, in an effort to build toward formal diplomatic relations, the US and the PRC established the United States Liaison Office (USLO) in Beijing and a counterpart PRC office in Washington. In 1973 to 1978, such distinguished Americans as David K. E. Bruce, George H. W. Bush, Thomas S. Gates, Jr., and Leonard Woodcock served as chiefs of the USLO with the personal rank of ambassador. China made clear that it considered the Soviet Union its chief adversary, and urged the United States to be powerful, thereby distracting Moscow. Liaison officer George Bush concluded, "China keeps wanting us to be strong, wanting us to defend Europe, wanting us to increase our defense budgets, etc." Bush concluded that American engagement was essential to support markets, allies, and stability in Asia and around the world.
President Gerald Ford visited the PRC in 1975 and reaffirmed American interest in normalizing relations with Beijing. Shortly after taking office in 1977, President Jimmy Carter again reaffirmed the goals of the Shanghai Communiqué. Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, Carter's National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, and senior staff member of the National Security Council Michel Oksenberg encouraged Carter to seek full diplomatic and trade relations with China. Although Brzezinski sought to quickly establish a security relationship with Beijing to counter the Soviet Union, Carter sided with Vance in believing that such a deal would threaten existing U.S.-Soviet relations, including the SALT II negotiations. Thus, the administration decided to cautiously pursue political normalization and not military relations. Vance, Brzezinski, and Oksenberg traveled to Beijing in early 1978 to work with Leonard Woodcock, then head of the liaison office, to lay the groundwork to do so. The United States and the People's Republic of China announced on 15 December 1978, that the two governments would establish diplomatic relations on 1 January 1979.
In the Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations, dated 1 January 1979, the United States transferred diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing. The US reiterated the Shanghai Communiqué's acknowledgment of the Chinese position that there is only one China and that Taiwan is a part of China; Beijing acknowledged that the American people would continue to carry on commercial, cultural, and other unofficial contacts with the people of Taiwan.
Taiwan, although fully expecting this step, nonetheless expressed disappointment at having not been consulted first. The reaction of the communist world was similar to 1972, with the Soviet Union and its allies in Eastern Europe mostly being noncommittal, Romania welcoming the move, and Cuba and Albania being strongly against it. North Korea issued a statement congratulating "our brotherly neighbors for ending long-hostile relations with the US".[This quote needs a citation]
Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping's January 1979 visit to Washington initiated a series of important, high-level exchanges which continued until the spring of 1989. This resulted in many bilateral agreements, especially in the fields of scientific, technological, and cultural interchange, as well as trade relations. Since early 1979, the United States and the PRC have initiated hundreds of joint research projects and cooperative programs under the Agreement on Cooperation in Science and Technology, the largest bilateral program.
On 1 March 1979, the two countries formally established embassies in each other's capitals. In 1979, outstanding private claims were resolved and a bilateral trade agreement was completed. Vice President Walter Mondale reciprocated Vice Premier Deng's visit with an August 1979 trip to China. This visit led to agreements in September 1980 on maritime affairs, civil aviation links, and textile matters, as well as a bilateral consular convention.
The threats of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia were major factors that brought Washington and Beijing closer than ever before. US-China military cooperation began in 1979; American arms sales to China were initiated, and in 1981 it was revealed that a joint US-China listening post had been operated in Xinjiang, near the Soviet border.
Chinese demands for advanced technology from the US were not always met, in part due to opposition from Congressmen who either distrusted technology transfer to a communist nation out of principle, or concern that there was no guarantee that such technology would not end up in the hands of unfriendly third parties. In 1983, the US State Department changed its classification of China to "a friendly, developing nation",[This quote needs a citation] thereby increasing the amount of technology and armaments that could be sold. The skepticism of some US Congressmen was not entirely unmerited as China during the 1980s continued to sell arms to Iran and other states that were openly hostile to American interests.
As a consequence of high-level and working-level contacts initiated in 1980, US dialogue with the PRC broadened to cover a wide range of issues, including global and regional strategic problems, political-military questions, including arms control, UN, and other multilateral organization affairs, and international narcotics matters. New York City and Beijing became sister cities.
High-level exchanges continued to be a significant means for developing US–PRC relations in the 1980s. President Ronald Reagan and Premier Zhao Ziyang made reciprocal visits in 1984. Reagan's visit to Beijing went well, however a speech he made criticizing the Soviet Union and praising capitalism, democracy, and freedom of religion was not aired on Chinese state television. In July 1985, Chinese President Li Xiannian traveled to the United States, the first such visit by a PRC head of state. Vice President Bush visited the PRC in October 1985 and opened the US Consulate General in Chengdu, the US's fourth consular post in the PRC. Further exchanges of cabinet-level officials occurred between 1985 and 1989, capped by President Bush's visit to Beijing in February 1989.
Shortly after being elected president in 1980, Ronald Reagan made a speech criticizing the PRC and welcoming restoration of ties with Taiwan. These remarks aroused initial concern in Beijing, but Reagan's advisers quickly apologized for his comments, and the president-elect soon retracted them. Reagan's first two years in office saw some deterioration in US-China relations due to the president's vociferous anti-communism, as well as the inability of the two nations to come to a common understanding over the Korean conflict, the Israel–Palestine conflict, or the Falklands War. In 1982, Deng Xiaoping, in a reiteration of Mao Zedong's "Three Worlds" theory, criticized both the US and Soviet Union for imperialism. In 1983, there were quarrels over a Chinese tennis player, Hu Na, who defected to the US, and over an incident where an Olympic parade float in New York City displayed the flag of Taiwan rather than the PRC's flag.
In the period before the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, a growing number of cultural exchange activities gave the American and Chinese peoples broad exposure to each other's cultural, artistic, and educational achievements. Numerous mainland Chinese professional and official delegations visited the United States each month. Many of these exchanges continued after the suppression of the Tiananmen protests.
Since the renewal of US-China relations in early 1979, the Taiwan issue remained a major source of contention. After the announcement of the intention to establish diplomatic relations with Mainland China (PRC) on 15 December 1978, the Republic of China (Taiwan) immediately condemned the United States, leading to rampant protests in both Taiwan and in the US. In April 1979, the US Congress signed into law the Taiwan Relations Act, permitting unofficial relations with Taiwan to flourish, on the one hand, yet the right of the US to provide Taiwan with arms of a defensive character, on the other. The expanding relationship that followed normalization was threatened in 1981 by PRC objections to the level of US arms sales to the Republic of China on Taiwan. Secretary of State Alexander Haig visited China in June 1981 in an effort to resolve Chinese concerns about America's unofficial relations with Taiwan. Vice President Bush visited the PRC in May 1982. Eight months of negotiations produced the US-PRC Joint Communiqué of 17 August 1982. In this third communiqué, the US stated its intention to gradually reduce the level of arms sales to the Republic of China, and the PRC described as a fundamental policy their effort to strive for a peaceful resolution to the Taiwan question.
When Donald Trump won the 2016 presidential election, contention over the Taiwan issue intensified; President Trump became the first sitting US president since Jimmy Carter in 1979 to have any formal political or diplomatic contacts with Taiwan when he decided to receive a phone call from president Tsai Ing-Wen. Trump has expanded the duties of the US' de facto embassy in Taipei-American Institute in Taiwan - by adding more security personnel, and has overseen increasing non-diplomatic visits of Tsai Ing-Wen and Congressmen to each other's countries/regions. In addition, American warships have reportedly crossed the Taiwan strait and increased military drills with Taiwan, which mainland China views as a direct threat to its sovereignty. The Taiwanese government has also warned the Solomon Islands not to switch recognition to the PRC as part of a bid to preserve its shrinking number of allies worldwide.
George H. W. Bush administration (1989–1993)Edit
Americans who had been optimistic about the emergence of democratic characteristics in response to the rapid economic growth and China were stunned and disappointed by the brutal crackdown of the pro-democratic Tiananmen Square protests in 1989. The U.S. and other governments enacted a number of measures against China's violation of human rights. The US suspended high-level official exchanges with the PRC and weapons exports from the US to the PRC. The US also imposed a number of economic sanctions. In the summer of 1990, at the G7 Houston summit, the West called for renewed political and economic reforms in mainland China, particularly in the field of human rights.
Tiananmen event disrupted the US-China trade relationship, and US investors' interest in mainland China dropped dramatically. Tourist traffic fell off sharply. The Bush administration denounced the repression and suspended certain trade and investment programs on 5 and 20 June 1989, however Congress was responsible for imposing many of these actions, and the White House itself took a far less critical attitude of Beijing, repeatedly expressing hope that the two countries could maintain normalized relations. Some sanctions were legislated while others were executive actions. Examples include:
- The US Trade and Development Agency (TDA): new activities in mainland China were suspended from June 1989 until January 2001, when President Bill Clinton lifted this suspension.
- Overseas Private Insurance Corporation (OPIC): new activities have been suspended since June 1989.
- Development Bank Lending/International Monetary Fund (IMF) Credits: the United States does not support development bank lending and will not support IMF credits to the PRC except for projects that address basic human needs.
- Munitions List Exports: subject to certain exceptions, no licenses may be issued for the export of any defense article on the US Munitions List. This restriction may be waived upon a presidential national interest determination.
- Arms Imports – import of defense articles from the PRC was banned after the imposition of the ban on arms exports to the PRC. The import ban was subsequently waived by the Administration and reimposed on 26 May 1994. It covers all items on the BATFE's Munitions Import List. During this critical period, J. Stapleton Roy, a career US Foreign Service Officer, served as ambassador to Beijing.
After Tiananmen Square, Sino-US relations deteriorated sharply, falling to their worst since the 1960s, with Beijing accusing the US of "a decades-long conspiracy to subvert Chinese socialism".[This quote needs a citation] The 2+1⁄2 years from 1989 to 1992 also witnessed a revival of hard-line Maoist ideologies and increased paranoia by the PRC as communist regimes collapsed in Eastern Europe. Nonetheless, China continued to seek foreign business and investment.
US-China military ties and arms sales were abruptly terminated in 1989 and as of 2020 have never been restored. Chinese public opinion became more hostile to the United States after 1989, as typified by the 1996 manifesto China Can Say No. The angry authors called for Beijing to take more aggressive actions against the United States and Japan in order to build a stronger international position. The Chinese government at first endorsed the manifesto, then repudiated it as irresponsible.
Clinton administration (1993–2001)Edit
Running for president in 1992, Bill Clinton sharply criticized his predecessor George H. W. Bush for prioritizing profitable trade relationships over human rights issues in China. As president, 1993–2001, however, Clinton backed away from his position. He did articulate a desired set of goals for China. They included free emigration, no exportation of goods made with prison labor, release of peaceful protesters, treatment of prisoners in terms of international standards, recognition of the distinct regional culture of Tibet, permitting international television and radio coverage, and observation of human rights specified by United Nations resolutions. China refused to comply, and by summer 1994 Clinton admitted defeat and called for a renewal of normalized trade relations. However congressional pressure, especially from the Republican Party, forced Clinton to approve arms sales to Taiwan, despite the strong displeasure voiced by Beijing.
In 1993, the U.S. Navy stopped a Chinese container ship, the Yinhe, en route to Kuwait on international waters, held it in place for several weeks, alleging it was carrying precursors of chemical weapons for Iran, and eventually forced an inspection of the ship in Saudi Arabia. However, no precursors of chemical weapons were found. This incident was viewed in China as international bullying by the United States.
In 1996, the People's Liberation Army conducted military exercises in the Taiwan Strait in an apparent effort to intimidate the Republic of China electorate before the pending presidential elections, triggering the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis. The United States dispatched two aircraft carrier battle groups to the region. Subsequently, tensions in the Taiwan Strait diminished and relations between the US and the PRC improved, with increased high-level exchanges and progress on numerous bilateral issues, including human rights, nuclear proliferation, and trade. China's leader Jiang Zemin visited the United States in the fall of 1997, the first state visit to the US by a paramount leader since 1979. In connection with that visit, the two sides came to a consensus on implementation of their 1985 agreement on Peaceful Nuclear Cooperation, as well as a number of other issues. President Clinton visited the PRC in June 1998. He traveled extensively in mainland China, and had direct interaction with the Chinese people, including live speeches and a radio show which allowed the President to convey a sense of American ideals and values. President Clinton was criticized by some, however, for failing to pay adequate attention to human rights abuses in mainland China.
Relations were damaged for a time by the United States bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in May 1999, which was stated by the White House to be miscoordination between intelligence and the military, although which some Chinese believed to be deliberate. In any case, Beijing for several days was rocked by massive anti-US demonstrations. By the end of 1999, relations began to gradually improve. In October 1999, the two countries reached an agreement on compensation for families of those who were victims, as well as payments for damages to respective diplomatic properties in Belgrade and China. US-China relations in 1999 were also damaged by accusations that a Chinese-American scientist at the Los Alamos National Laboratory had given US nuclear secrets to Beijing.
In April 2001, a PLAAF J-8 fighter jet collided with a US Navy EP-3 reconnaissance aircraft flying south of the PRC in what became known as the Hainan Island incident. The EP-3 was able to make an emergency landing on PRC's Hainan Island despite extensive damage; the PRC aircraft crashed with the loss of its pilot, Wang Wei. The crew were detained by the PLA after destroying all classified documents pertaining to the aircraft's operation. Following extensive negotiations resulting in the "letter of the two sorries," the crew of the EP-3 was released from imprisonment and allowed to leave the PRC eleven days later. The US aircraft was returned by Beijing three months later in pieces, after which the relationship between the US and the PRC gradually improved once more.
George W. Bush administration (2001–2009)Edit
As a presidential candidate in 2000, George W. Bush repeatedly criticized the Clinton-Gore administration for being too friendly with China, which he warned was a strategic competitor. Early on as president Bush increased arms sales to Taiwan, including 8 submarines. Bush's hostile position toward China was suddenly reversed after the September 11 terrorist attacks, and his friendly attitude toward Taiwan became a casualty. Soon he was calling China a strategic partner in the war on terror and postponing deals with Taiwan.
Two PRC citizens died in the attacks on the World Trade Center. Chinese companies and individuals sent expressions of condolences to their American counterparts. The PRC, itself troubled by Muslim separatists in Xinjiang, offered strong public support for the War on Terror in APEC China 2001. The PRC voted in favor of UNSCR 1373, publicly supported the coalition campaign in Afghanistan, and contributed $150 million of bilateral assistance to Afghan reconstruction following the defeat of the Taliban. Shortly after the 11 September terrorist attacks, the US and PRC also commenced a counterterrorism dialogue. The third round of that dialogue was held in Beijing in February 2003.
In the United States, the threat of terrorist attacks by al-Qaeda greatly changed the nature of discourse. It was no longer plausible to argue, as the Blue Team had earlier asserted, that the PRC was the primary security threat to the United States, and the need to focus on the Middle East and the War on Terror made the avoidance of potential distractions in East Asia a priority for the United States.
There were initial fears among the PRC leadership that the war on terrorism would lead to an anti-PRC effort by the US, especially as the US began establishing bases in Central Asian countries like Uzbekistan and Tajikistan and renewed efforts against Iraq. Because of setbacks in America's Iraq campaign, these fears have largely subsided. The application of American power in Iraq and continuing efforts by the United States to cooperate with the PRC has significantly reduced the popular anti-Americanism that had developed in the mid-1990s.
The PRC and the US have also worked closely on regional issues, including those pertaining to North Korea and its nuclear weapons program. The People's Republic of China has stressed its opposition to North Korea's decision to withdraw from the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, its concerns over North Korea's nuclear capabilities, and its desire for a non-nuclear Korean Peninsula. It also voted to refer North Korea's noncompliance with its International Atomic Energy Agency obligations to the UN Security Council.
Taiwan remains a volatile issue, but one that remains under control. The United States policy toward Taiwan has involved emphasizing the Four Noes and One Without. On occasion the United States has rebuked Republic of China President Chen Shui-bian for provocative pro-independence rhetoric. However, in 2005, the PRC passed the Anti-Secession Law which stated that the PRC would be prepared to resort to "non-peaceful means" if Taiwan declared formal independence. Many critics of the PRC, such as the Blue Team, argue that the PRC was trying to take advantage of the US war in Iraq to assert its claims on Republic of China's territory. In 2008, Taiwan voters elected Ma Ying-jeou. Ma, representing the Kuomintang, campaigned on a platform that included rapprochement with mainland China. His election has significant implications for the future of cross-strait relations.
China's paramount leader Hu Jintao visited the United States in April 2006. Bush visited Beijing in August for four days to attend the 2008 Olympics. The president and his wife Laura were accompanied by Bush's father, the former president, and his mother Barbara.
Clark Randt, U.S. Ambassador to China from 2001 to 2008 examined "The State of U.S.-China Relations in a 2008 lecture at the USC U.S.-China Institute.
A public opinion poll of the entire population of China conducted by Pew in spring 2008 shows:
- Views toward Japan are especially negative – 69% have an unfavorable opinion of Japan, and a significant number of Chinese (38%) consider Japan an enemy. Opinions of the United States also tend to be negative, and 34% describe the U.S. as an enemy, while just 13% say it is a partner of China. Views about India are mixed at best – 25% say India is a partner, while a similar number (24%) describe it as an enemy.
Obama administration (2009–2017)Edit
The 2008 US presidential election centered on issues of war and economic recession, but candidates Barack Obama and John McCain also spoke extensively regarding US policy toward China. Both favored cooperation with China on major issues, but they differed with regard to trade policy. Obama expressed concern that the value of China's currency was being deliberately set low to benefit China's exporters. McCain argued that free trade was crucial and was having a transformative effect in China. Still, McCain noted that while China might have shared interests with the US, it did not share American values.
The election of Barack Obama in 2008 generated positive reactions from most locals and state-run media outlets in China. His presidency fostered hopes for increased co-operation and heightened levels of friendship between the two nations. On 8 November 2008, Hu Jintao and Barack Obama shared a phone conversation in which the Chinese President congratulated Obama on his election victory. During the conversation both parties agreed that the development of US-China relations is not only in the interest of both nations, but also in the interests of the world.
Other organizations within China also held positive reactions to the election of Barack Obama, particularly with his commitment to revising American climate change policy. Greenpeace published an article detailing how Obama's victory would spell positive change for investment in the green jobs sector as part of a response to the financial crisis gripping the world at the time of Obama's inauguration. A number of organizations, including the US Departments of Energy and Commerce, non-governmental organizations such as the Council on Foreign Relations and the Brookings Institution, and universities, have been working with Chinese counterparts to discuss ways to address climate change. Both US and Chinese governments have addressed the economic downturn with massive stimulus initiatives. The Chinese have expressed concern that "Buy American" components of the US plan discriminate against foreign producers, including those in China.
As the two most influential and powerful countries in the world, there have been increasingly strong suggestions within American political circles of creating a G-2 (Chimerica) relationship for the United States and China to work out solutions to global problems together.
The Strategic Economic Dialogue initiated by then-US President Bush and Chinese President Hu and led by US Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and Chinese Vice Premier Wu Yi in 2006 was broadened by the Obama administration. Now called the U.S.–China Strategic and Economic Dialogue, it is led by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and US Secretary of the Treasury Timothy Geithner for the United States and Vice Premier Wang Qishan and Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo for China. The focus of the first set of meetings in July 2009 was in response to the economic crisis, finding ways to cooperate to stem global warming and addressing issues such as the proliferation of nuclear weapons and humanitarian crises.
US President Barack Obama visited China on 15–18 November 2009 to discuss economic worries, concerns over nuclear weapon proliferation, and the need for action against climate change. The USC US-China Institute produced a digest of press comments on this visit and on earlier presidential trips.
In January 2010, the US proposed a $6.4 billion arms sale to the Republic of China (Taiwan). In response, the PRC threatened to impose sanctions on US companies supplying arms to Taiwan and suspend cooperation on certain regional and international issues.
On 19 February 2010, President Obama met with the Dalai Lama, accused by China of "fomenting unrest in Tibet." After the meeting, China summoned the US ambassador to China, Jon Huntsman, but Time has described the Chinese reaction as "muted," speculating that it could be because "the meeting came during the Chinese New Year... when most officials are on leave." Some activists criticized Obama for the relatively low profile of the visit.
In 2012, the PRC criticized Obama's new defense strategy, which it said was aimed at isolating China in the East Asian region. Obama is looking to increase US military influence in the area with a rotating presence of forces in friendly countries.
In March 2012, China suddenly began cutting back its purchases of oil from Iran, which along with some signs on sensitive security issues like Syria and North Korea, showed some coordination with the Obama administration.
In March 2013, the US and China agreed to impose stricter sanctions on North Korea for conducting nuclear tests, which sets the stage for UN Security Council vote. Such accord might signal a new level of cooperation between the US and China.
In an effort to build a "new model" of relations, President Obama met Paramount leader Xi Jinping for two days of meetings, between 6 and 8 June 2013, at the Sunnylands estate in Rancho Mirage, California. The summit was considered "the most important meeting between an American president and a Chinese Communist leader in 40 years, since President Nixon and Chairman Mao," according to Joseph Nye, a political scientist at Harvard University. The leaders concretely agreed to combat climate change and also found strong mutual interest in curtailing North Korea's nuclear program. However, the leaders remained sharply divided over cyber espionage and U.S. arms sales to Taiwan. Xi was dismissive of American complaints about cyber security. Tom Donilon, the outgoing U.S. National Security Adviser, stated that cyber security "is now at the center of the relationship," adding that if China's leaders were unaware of this fact, they know now.
President Obama hosted Chinese leader Xi Jinping of the People's Republic of China for a bilateral meeting on the margins of the Nuclear Security Summit on 31 March 2016.
Trump administration (2017–2021)Edit
President-elect Trump's telephone conversation with the president of Taiwan Tsai Ing-wen on 2 December 2016 was the first such contact with Taiwan by an American president-elect or president since 1979. It provoked Beijing to lodge a diplomatic protest ("stern representations"). Trump went on to clarify his move by telling Fox News, "I fully understand the 'one China' policy, but I don't know why we have to be bound by a 'one China' policy unless we make a deal with China having to do with other things, including trade."
On Trump's inauguration day, an official from the People's Liberation Army wrote on the official website that the US's military build-up in Asia, and its push to arm South Korea with the THAAD missile-defense system were provocative "hot spots getting closer to ignition" and that the chances of war had become "more real".
On 23 January, speaking about China's claims to sovereignty over the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea, White House spokesman Sean Spicer said, "It's a question of if those islands are in fact in international waters and not part of China proper, then yeah, we're going to make sure that we defend international territories from being taken over by one country."
On 4 January, on a visit to Japan, U.S. Defense Secretary James Mattis reaffirmed Washington's commitment under the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan to defending Japan, including the Senkaku Islands (the East China Sea) that are claimed by China.
On 9 February, Trump spoke with China's leader Xi Jinping over the phone discussing a wide range of issues; Trump was said to have re-iterated the United States' commitment to the status quo 'one-China' policy.
Paramount leader Xi Jinping reiterated before President Trump, in a telephone conversation held between the two men on 3 July 2017, that "China-US relations have made great progress in recent days, but they have also been affected by some negative factors." By "negative factors," Geng Shuang, a Chinese government spokesmen, explained in a televised briefing: "Under the pretext of navigational freedom, the American side once again sent military vessels into the Chinese territorial waters of Xisha (Paracel) Islands. It has violated Chinese and international law, infringed upon Chinese sovereignty, and disrupted order, peace and security of the relevant waters and put in jeopardy facilities and personnel on the relevant Chinese islands. It is a serious political and military provocation. The Chinese side is strongly dissatisfied with and firmly opposed to the relevant actions by the US."
On 13 March 2018, the out-going US Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, said: "Much work remains to establish a clear view of the nature of our future relationship with China, how shall we deal with one-another over the next fifty years, and ensure a period of prosperity for all of our peoples, free of conflict between two very powerful nations."
China enforced punitive tariffs on 128 categories of American goods on 1 April 2018 in retaliation for the Trump Administration's national-security levies on steel and aluminum imports the previous month. The Chinese Government's response is measured, affecting $3 billion in annual trade or about 2% of U.S. goods exports to China. By late September 2018, the Trump Administration had placed tariffs (25% tax increase) on $250 billion worth of Chinese goods, in an attempt to offset the trade imbalance between the two countries.
In what put additional strain on US-China relations, Huawei's vice-chair and CFO Meng Wanzhou, daughter of Huawei's founder Ren Zhengfei, was arrested in Canada on 1 December 2018 at the behest of U.S. authorities. U.S. Senator Ben Sasse accused China of undermining U.S. national security interests, often "using private sector entities" to by-pass US sanctions against the sale of telecom equipment to Iran.
According to political analyst, Andrew Leung, "China is perceived as the antagonist and rival of the United States," and that China's rise is seen as a "threat to the world order underpinned by American dominance or American values." He claimed, moreover, that the arrest of the CFO of Huawei on 1 December 2018 corresponded with the suspicious death on that same day of a leading Chinese-national quantum physicist and venture capitalist at Stanford University, Professor Shou-Cheng Zhang, who was on a H-1B visa, giving rise to conspiracy theories. In August 2018, the U.S. government signed an update to legislation for the Committee on Foreign Investment in the U.S., broadening governmental scrutiny to vetting VC-backed, and especially Chinese state-funded, investments in U.S. tech startups.
Both sides signed the US–China Phase One trade deal on 15 January. Unlike other trade agreements, the agreement did not rely on arbitration through an intergovernmental organization like the World Trade Organization, but rather through a bilateral mechanism.
Michael D. Swaine warned in 2019, "The often positive and optimistic forces, interests, and beliefs that sustained bilateral ties for decades are giving way to undue pessimism, hostility, and a zero-sum mindset in almost every area of engagement."
The U.S.-China relationship is confronting its most daunting challenge in the forty years since the two countries established diplomatic ties. Current trends portend steadily worsening relations over the long term, with increasingly adverse consequences for all actors involved. Specifically, Beijing and Washington are transitioning from a sometimes contentious yet mutually beneficial relationship to an increasingly antagonistic, mutually destructive set of interactions. The often positive and optimistic forces, interests, and beliefs that sustained bilateral ties for decades are giving way to undue pessimism, hostility, and a zero-sum mindset in almost every area of engagement.
According to two experts on US-China relations, Professor Rosemary Foot at Oxford University and Senior Lecturer Amy King at Australian National University, the consensus of experts is that:
- The relationship began to deteriorate in the second decade of the 21st century, and that the Trump administration has accelerated the deterioration. Explanations...have ranged over a large number of factors, all of which have played some role. Some relate to changes in official personnel in both the United States and China, others to the shifts and relative power between the two countries after the global financial crisis of 2007–2008, and yet others to China's greater determination to reform global governance institutions and to play more of a global leadership role.
Foot and King emphasize China's aggressive efforts in developing cutting-edge technologies with significant military and commercial implications, while the United States sees the need to defend itself aggressively against technological theft.
According to Hong Kong economics professor Lawrence J. Lau, a major cause of the deterioration is the growing battle between China and the U.S. for global economic and technological dominance. More generally, he argues, "It is also a reflection of the rise of populism, isolationism, nationalism and protectionism almost everywhere in the world, including in the US." According to Ian Bremmer, the U.S and China are in a technology cold war and Trump's technology war against the PRC has been his administration's biggest foreign policy win, saying, "on the issue of tech decoupling that it was America out front with most allies on board." According to Greg Autry, an academic at the University of Southern California, Trump's China policy was working, pointing to increased revenue intakes by the Treasury Department and offshoring by US manufacturing supply chains from China, and crediting the administration for being the first to fully recognize that globalization hadn't delivered for Americans and that China was an existential threat.
Former Obama administration officials Samantha Power and Susan Rice have criticized China's actions on trade, over the Meng Wenzhou affair and in Hong Kong while simultaneously criticizing the Trump administration for inadequate pushback.
In 2018, the U.S. Department of Justice initiated a "China Initiative" to "combat economic espionage". One of the first studies of the impact of the initiative was published in 2020, concluding that how the initiative operates unfairly stigmatizes researchers of Chinese ethnicity, through implying "threat by association."
In 2019, a report of U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission suggested that everyone should stop calling the Chinese leader Xi Jinping by his title of "President," under Xi's one-party leadership and instead use the term General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party.
The Director of Policy Planning at the United States Department of State, Kiron Skinner drew international attention in April 2019 for stating at a foreign policy forum that the U.S. competition with China would be especially bitter, because unlike the Cold War with the Soviet Union which is "a fight within the Western family", “it’s the first time that we will have a great-power competitor that is not Caucasian".
On 18 February 2020, the US government announced five Chinese state media firms[note 1] would be designated "foreign missions," requiring them to be legally registered with the US government as a foreign government entity. On the following day, China took action against three American journalists with The Wall Street Journal by revoking their press credentials over a coronavirus opinion column which their paper had run. According to China, the column was racist and libelous; the CEO of the company that published the WSJ defended the article, as did the State department. A March 2020 article by Reuters said that Washington slashed the number of journalists allowed to work at U.S. offices of major Chinese media outlets to 100 from 160 due to Beijing's "long-standing intimidation and harassment of journalists." In response, China expelled about a dozen American correspondents with The New York Times, News Corp's Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post, which prompted criticism from the State Department. On 8 May, the US moved Chinese citizens at non-American news outlets from open-ended work visas to extendable 90-day work visas and in June the State Department designated a further four Chinese media outlets as foreign embassies.
Americans, especially older Republican voters, took an increasingly negative view of China and of Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping during the COVID-19 pandemic, expressing economic, human-rights, and environmental concerns.
By May 2020 relations had deteriorated as both sides were accusing the other of guilt for the worldwide coronavirus pandemic. Washington has mobilized a campaign of investigations, prosecutions and export restrictions. Beijing, meanwhile, has stepped up military activities in the contested South China Sea, and launched denunciations of American Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and publicly speculating that the American military deliberately unleashed the virus in China. In the growing aspersion, on 15 May 2020, the US blocked shipments of semi-conductors to Huawei, while China, for its part, has threatened to place Apple, Boeing, and other US firms on "unreliable entities" lists, and has blamed the US government of using state power under the excuse of national security, and of abusing export control measures to continuously oppress and contain specific enterprises of other countries. Orville Schell, the director of the Center on US-China Relations at the Asia Society, summed up the situation as follows: "The consequences of the breakdown in US-China relations is going to be very grave for the world and for the global economy because the ability of the US and China to work together was the keystone of the whole arch of globalization and global trade. With that pulled out, there's going to be a tremendous amount of disturbance."
American polls show the public has increasingly negative views of China.
On 17 June 2020, President Trump signed the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act, which authorizes the imposition of U.S. sanctions against Chinese government officials responsible for detention camps holding more than 1 million members of the country's Uyghur Muslim minority. On 9 July 2020, the Trump administration imposed sanctions and visa restrictions against senior Chinese officials, including Chen Quanguo, a member of China's powerful Politburo.
A research paper by the Begin–Sadat Center for Strategic Studies said that Chinese state-controlled media enthusiastically covered the protests and rioting attending the murder of George Floyd, comparing the American protests to the protests in Hong Kong and used the rioting and violence in the US as evidence that the democratic system was hypocritical and morally bankrupt. A report by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute said that racial tensions in the United States was a key area of focus for "a campaign of cross-platform inauthentic activity, conducted by Chinese-speaking actors and broadly in alignment with the political goal of the People's Republic of China (PRC) to denigrate the standing of the US."
In July 2020, FBI Director Christopher Wray called China the "greatest long-term threat" to the United States. He said that "the FBI is now opening a new China-related counterintelligence case every 10 hours. Of the nearly 5,000 active counterintelligence cases currently under way across the country, almost half are related to China."
A July 2020 article by Larry Diamond asserted the end of China's peaceful rise, saying that while two generations of American scholars held out hope that China would become a responsible stakeholder, in 2020, those hopes had been dashed.
In July 2020, the Trump administration ordered the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston. In response, the Chinese government ordered the closure of the US consulate in Chengdu.
On 20 July 2020, the United States sanctioned 11 Chinese companies, restricting any trade deal with America for what the US government said was their involvement in human rights violations in Xinjiang, China, accusing them specifically of using Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities in forced labor.
On 23 July 2020, United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced the end of what he called "blind engagement" with the Chinese government. He also criticized Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping as "a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology."
In August 2020, Washington imposed sanctions on 11 Hong Kong and Chinese officials over what it said was their role in curtailing political freedoms in Hong Kong through the imposition of the Hong Kong national security law; China retaliated by sanctioning 6 Republican lawmakers and 5 individuals at non-profit and rights groups. American lawmakers have introduced a bill to change the way the federal government refers to the general secretary of the CCP, prohibiting the use of the term "president".
In September 2020 the United States had under a 29 May presidential proclamation revoked more than 1,000 visas for PRC students and researchers visas who the US government said had ties to the Chinese military in order to prevent them from stealing and otherwise appropriating sensitive research.
On 26 September 2020, the US Commerce Department put restrictions on Chinese chip maker, Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corporation (SMIC), following which the suppliers were required to have an export license for exporting the chip. The restrictions were imposed after the US concluded that an "unacceptable risk" equipment supplied to SMIC could potentially be used for military purposes.
On 1 October 2020, U.S. Congressman Scott Perry introduced legislation to add the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to the Top International Criminal Organizations Target (TICOT) List and provide the United States law enforcement agencies a strategic directive to target the CCP's malign activity.
On 6 October 2020, Germany's ambassador to the UN, on behalf of the group of 39 countries including Germany, the U.K. and the U.S., made a statement to denounce China for its treatment of ethnic minorities and for curtailing freedoms in Hong Kong.
On 9 October 2020, the Department of Justice disallowed the use of its fund to purchase DJI drones, which the DoJ classified as a "Covered Foreign Entity."
On October 21, 2020, the US approved arms sales of $1.8 billion to Taiwan. It involved three packages that included high technology weapons such as SLAM-ER missiles, HIMARS M142 Launchers and Recce Pods. On 26 October 2020, China announced its intentions to impose sanctions on US businesses and individuals, including Boeing, Raytheon and Lockheed Martin. Taiwan welcomed the arms sales and disapproved of the sanctions. Taiwan also said it would continue buying arms from America.
On 27 October 2020, the United States and India signed the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), enabling greater information-sharing and further defense cooperation, to counter China's growing military power in the region.
On 5 December 2020, the U.S. State department ended five cultural exchange programs with China, which are - “the Policymakers Educational China Trip Program, the U.S.-China Friendship Program, the U.S.-China Leadership Exchange Program, the U.S.-China Transpacific Exchange Program and the Hong Kong Educational and Cultural Program.” They described these programs as soft power propaganda tools of Chinese government.
In December 2020, an investigation by Axios was published that detailed the suspected activities of Christine Fang, a Chinese national who has been suspected by U.S. officials of having conducted political espionage for the Chinese Ministry of State Security (MSS) while she was in the United States from 2011 to 2015. While Fang's suspected activities prior to the Axios investigation had already drawn scrutiny from federal law enforcement agencies, the subsequent reactions to its publication drew further scrutiny from politicians and the media.
On 19 January 2021, Mike Pompeo officially declared that China is committing a genocide against Uighurs in the Xinjiang region. Pompeo called for “all appropriate multilateral and relevant juridical bodies, to join the United States in our effort to promote accountability for those responsible for these atrocities." Salih Hudayar, the prime minister of the East Turkistan Government-in-Exile (who claim to be the legitimate government of Xinjiang), has said, “We hope that this designation will lead to real strong actions to hold China accountable and bring an end to China’s genocide."
Biden administration (2021–current)Edit
Relations with the new Biden administration in 2021 included heightened tensions over trade, technology, and human rights, particularly regarding Hong Kong, and the treatment of minorities in China. In addition international tensions regarding control of the South China Sea remained high. However the Biden and Xi administrations agreed to collaborate on long-term projects regarding climate change, nuclear proliferation, and the global COVID-19 pandemic.
On 20 January 2021, China imposed sanctions against outgoing US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, former secretary of health and human services Alex Azar, former under secretary of state Keith J. Krach, outgoing US ambassador to the United Nations Kelly Craft, and 24 other former Trump officials. Biden's National Security Council called the sanctions "unproductive and cynical." In his nomination hearing, Blinken endorsed Pompeo's report that China is committing a genocide against Uyghur Muslims, reaffirming Biden's campaign stance.
With respect to "China policy," Biden plans to continue Trump's strict, hardline policy, but take a more collaborative, multilateral approach to China by enlisting the support of American allies, to maximize leverage on Beijing in matters relating to security and economic growth. This is seen as a departure from the bellicose rhetoric and unilateral approach taken by the previous Trump administration. In late January 2021, China's Ambassador to the US, Cui Tiankai, reasserted China's long-standing position of seeking peaceful coexistence with the United States, and called out to the new American administration to address differences through dialogue.
The new American Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, called-out China on its treatment of the ethnic Uighurs. President Biden, in his first foreign policy address, labeled China as "the most serious competitor" to the US. During his first visit to the Pentagon on 9 February 2021, Biden urged the United States Department of Defense to review its national security policy concerning China.
On 22 February 2021, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi urged Biden to lift the multiple sanctions imposed by Trump, including restrictions on trade and people-to-people contact. He also called for the new administration to stop interfering in China's internal affairs.
On March 18–19, 2021, bilateral talks in Alaska took place. Blinken and national security advisor Jake Sullivan met with Politburo member Yang Jiechi and Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi. The Americans unleashed heated attacks on China's policies regarding human rights, cyberattacks, Taiwan, and its crackdown in Xinjiang and Hong Kong. The Chinese side countered that the U.S. "does not have the qualification... to speak to China from a position of strength", that the U.S. does not serve as a model to others, and that China's "development and strengthening is unstoppable". In the week ahead of the talks, the administration met with U.S. allies in Asia and imposed sanctions on senior Chinese officials.
In June 2021 the Chinese Defense Ministry described a short visit to Taiwan by three US Senators as an “extremely vile political provocation.”
At their annual meeting on June 13, 2021, leaders from the Group of Seven (G7) democracies sharply criticized China for a series of abuses. The G7 nations—the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France, Italy, Canada and Japan—had been hesitant about acting separately. Pressured by US President Joe Biden they unanimously agreed on a sharp criticism, followed the next day by a similar strong unanimous attack by NATO members. The criticisms focused on the mistreatment of the Muslim Uyghur minority, the systematic destruction of democracy in Hong Kong, repeated military threats against Taiwan, unfair trade practices, and lack of transparency regarding the origins of COVID-19. China has rejected all criticism of what it considers to be strictly internal policy matters. On the other hand, the constellation of critics is essential to the Chinese economy in terms of jobs, investments and purchases of its huge quantity of exports.
In July 2021, the US Commerce Department enlisted 34 foreign firms to an export blacklist, of which 23 were from China and were tied to the genocide against the Uyghur Muslim minorities. The sanctions were imposed on these firms for “acting contrary to the foreign policy interests of the United States”. Other blacklisted companies were based in Iran, Russia, the UAE, the UK, Singapore, Lebanon, Canada, the Netherlands, Pakistan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Turkey.
In August 2021, China tested a nuclear-capable hypersonic missile, hypothesized as part of a Fractional Orbital Bombardment System, that circled the globe before speeding towards its target. The Financial Times reported that "the test showed that China had made astounding progress on hypersonic weapons and was far more advanced than U.S. officials realized."
In September 2021, Biden urged Xi not to "veer into conflict," while agreeing to engage "openly and straightforwardly" amid US frustration at lack of progress in relations.
On 6 October 2021, a high level meeting between US national security adviser Jake Sullivan and top Chinese diplomat Yang Jiechi in Zürich, Switzerland focused on a number of contentious aspects of Chinese-American relations, including the existence of Taiwan, trade disputes, the COVID-19 origin theories, as well as civic freedoms in Hong Kong. Despite continued differences between the two nations on these issues, both sides agreed to continue their cooperation "in the spirit of fair and peaceful competition".
On 21 October 2021, President Biden said the U.S. would defend Taiwan if China attacked, though the White House said later there was no change in policy towards the island.
In Nov. 2021, The United States has updated its assessment of China's Hittite currency, which shows that China will have 700 nuclear warheads by 2027, and that number will reach 1,000 by 2030.
On 24 November 2021, the Biden administration invited Taiwan to attend the 'Summit for Democracy' - to be held in December 2021. China's Foreign Ministry reacted by saying it was “firmly opposed” to the invitation.
In 1991, China only accounted for 1% of total imports to the United States. For many years, China was the most important country which required an annual waiver to maintain free trade status. The waiver for the PRC had been in effect since 1980. Every year between 1989 and 1999, legislation was introduced in Congress to disapprove the President's waiver. The legislation had sought to tie free trade with China to meeting certain human rights conditions that go beyond freedom of emigration. All such attempted legislation failed to pass. The requirement of an annual waiver was inconsistent with the rules of the World Trade Organization, and for the PRC to join the WTO, Congressional action was needed to grant permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) to China. This was accomplished in 2000 (United States–China Relations Act of 2000), allowing China to join WTO in 2001. China's most favoured nation (MFN) status was made permanent on 27 December 2001.
Since the entry of China into the WTO in December 2001, the decline in U.S. manufacturing jobs has accelerated (the China shock). The Economic Policy Institute estimated that the trade deficit with China cost about 2.7 million jobs between 2001 and 2011, including manufacturing and other industries.
The PRC and the US resumed trade relations in 1972 and 1973. Direct investment by the US in mainland China covers a wide range of manufacturing sectors, several large hotel projects, restaurant chains, and petrochemicals. US companies have entered agreements establishing more than 20,000 equity joint ventures, contractual joint ventures, and wholly foreign-owned enterprises in mainland China. More than 100 US-based multinationals have projects in mainland China, some with multiple investments. Cumulative US investment in mainland China is valued at $48 billion. The US trade deficit with mainland China exceeded $350 billion in 2006 and was the United States' largest bilateral trade deficit. Some of the factors that influence the U.S. trade deficit with mainland China include:
- US Import Valuation Overcounts China: there has been a shift of low-end assembly industries to mainland China from newly industrialized countries in Asia. Mainland China has increasingly become the last link in a long chain of value-added production. Because US trade data attributes the full value of a product to the final assembler, mainland Chinese value added is overcounted.
- US demand for labor-intensive goods exceeds domestic output: the PRC has restrictive trade practices in mainland China, which include a wide array of barriers to foreign goods and services, often aimed at protecting state-owned enterprises. These practices include high tariffs, lack of transparency, requiring firms to obtain special permission to import goods, inconsistent application of laws and regulations, and leveraging technology from foreign firms in return for market access. Mainland China's accession to the World Trade Organization is meant to help address these barriers.
- The undervaluation of the Renminbi relative to the United States dollar.
Beginning in 2009, the US and China agreed to hold regular high-level talks about economic issues and other mutual concerns by establishing the Strategic Economic Dialogue, which meets biannually. Five meetings have been held, the most recent in December 2008. Economic nationalism seems to be rising in both countries, a point the leaders of the two delegations noted in their opening presentations. The United States and China have also established the high-level US-China Senior Dialogue to discuss international political issues and work out resolutions.
In September 2009 a trade dispute emerged between the United States and China, which came after the US imposed tariffs of 35 percent on Chinese tire imports. The Chinese commerce minister accused the United States of a "grave act of trade protectionism," while a USTR spokesperson said the tariff "was taken precisely in accordance with the law and our international trade agreements." Additional issues were raised by both sides in subsequent months.
When a country joins the World Trade Organization they commit to keep their Tariffs beneath the bound rate, which is generally around 39 percent. China's reaction is due to the fact that nations usually keep their Tariffs at an average of 9 percent, but when the U.S raised their Tariff on Chinese imported tires to 35 percent, it was still below the average bound rate.
Pascal Lamy cautioned: "The statistical bias created by attributing commercial value to the last country of origin perverts the true economic dimension of the bilateral trade imbalances. This affects the political debate, and leads to misguided perceptions. Take the bilateral deficit between China and the US. A series of estimates based on true domestic content can cut the overall deficit – which was $252bn in November 2010 – by half, if not more."
In early 2012, a dispute over rare earth minerals was brought into the light between the two countries. President Obama made an announcement that the United States would be one of a few countries to file a dispute with China. Amongst the United States, Japan and other Western European countries would also be filing disputes as well. This is simply just one of few disputes between the United States and China. It is believed by many experts, including Chris Isidore, a writer for CNN Money, that "any one of the disputes could damage the economies of both countries as well as the relationship between them." The dispute was filed, and China was charged with putting unfair restrictions on the exportation of rare earth minerals. These minerals were crucial and in high demand by all countries. President Obama believed the United States should have those minerals in the United States whereas China disagreed. China denied all of the said charges brought forth "saying its rules are defensible on grounds of environmental and economic sustainability, and suggests there would be consequences if the United States presses the case." It is important to understand the relationship between the United States and China, especially economically. There is not one without the other. China's state news agency commented that "past experiences have shown that policymakers in Washington should treat such issues with more prudence, because maintaining sound China-U.S. trade relations is in the fundamental interests of both sides"
In November 2021, U.S. producer Venture Global LNG signed a twenty-year contract with China's state-owned Sinopec to supply liquefied natural gas (LNG)." China's imports of U.S. natural gas will more than double. U.S. exports of liquefied natural gas to China and other Asian countries surged in 2021, with Asian buyers willing to pay higher prices than European importers.
China has been a currency manipulator during the 21st century. Economist C. Fred Bergsten, writing for the Peterson Institute for International Economics, said that, between 2003 and 2014, "China bought more than $300 billion annually to resist upward movement of its currency by artificially keeping the exchange rate of the dollar strong and the renminbi's exchange rate weak. China's competitive position was thus strengthened by as much as 30 to 40 percent at the peak of the intervention. Currency manipulation explained most of China's large trade surpluses, which reached a staggering 10 percent of its entire GDP in 2007." During this period, China's currency manipulation was a point of conflict with the United States. Domestic leaders within the United States pressured the Obama administration to take a hard-line stance against China and compel them to raise the value of their currency, and legislation was introduced to the United States Congress calling on the President to impose tariffs on Chinese imports until China properly values its currency.
Since 2014, the situation changed dramatically, as China stopped artificially deflating its currency, as the growth in the Chinese economy slowed and Chinese investors made more investments outside the country, leading to a drop in the yuan's value in relation to the dollar, as well as a decline in China's reserves.
In August 2019, US Treasury designated China as a currency manipulator. However, it removed the designation on 13 January 2020, as part of efforts to reach a trade deal on the ongoing trade war.
Chinese perspective on the US economyEdit
China is a major creditor and the second largest foreign holder of US public debt and has been critical of US deficits and fiscal policy, advising for policies that maintain the purchasing value of the dollar, although it had few options other than to continue to buy United States Treasury bonds. China condemned the US monetary policy of quantitative easing, responding to S&P's downgrade of U.S. credit rating, and advised the United States not to continue with the accumulation of debt, concluding with the statement that America cannot continue to borrow to solve financial problems.
Military spending and planningEdit
The PRC's investment in its military is growing rapidly. The United States, along with independent analysts, remains convinced that the PRC conceals its real extent of its military spending. According to its government, China spent $45 billion on defense in 2007. In contrast, the United States had a $623-billion budget for the military in 2008, $123 billion more than the combined military budgets of all other countries in the world. Some very broad US estimates maintain that the PRC military spends between $85 billion and $125 billion. According to official figures, the PRC spent $123 million on defense per day in 2007. In comparison, the US spent $1.7 billion ($1,660 million) per day that year.
Concerns over the Chinese military budget may come from US worries that the PRC is attempting to threaten its neighbors or to challenge the United States. Concerns have been raised that China is developing a large naval base near the South China Sea and has diverted resources from the People's Liberation Army Ground Force to the People's Liberation Army Navy and to air force and missile development.
Andrew Scobell wrote that under President Hu, objective civilian control and oversight of the PLA appears to be weakly applied.
On 27 October 2009, US Defense Secretary Robert Gates praised the steps China has taken to increase transparency of defense spending. In June 2010, however, he said that the Chinese military was resisting efforts to improve military-to-military relations with the United States. Gates also said that the United States would "assert freedom of navigation" in response to Chinese complaints about US Navy deployments in international waters near China. Admiral Michael Mullen said that the United States sought closer military ties to China but would continue to operate in the western Pacific.
Meanwhile, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists wrote in a 2010 report that the Chinese continue to invest in modernization of their nuclear forces because they perceive that their deterrent force is vulnerable to American capabilities and that further improvement in American missile defenses will drive further Chinese spending in that area.
Chinese Defense Minister Liang Guanglie said that China is 20 years behind the United States in military technology.
In 2012, it was reported that the United States would invite a team of senior Chinese logisticians to discuss the possibility of the first logistics co-operation agreement between the two countries.
Professor James R. Holmes, a specialist on China at the US Naval War College, has said that China's investments towards a potential future conflict are closer to those of the United States than may first appear because the Chinese understate their spending, the internal price structures of the two countries are different, and the Chinese need to concentrate only on projecting military force a short distance from their own shores. The balance may shift to the advantage of the Chinese very quickly if they continue double-digit annual growth, and the US and their allies cut back.
In line with power transition theory, the idea that "wars tend to break out... when the upward trajectory of a rising power comes close to intersecting the downward trajectory of a declining power," some have argued that conflict between China, an emerging power, and the United States, the current superpower, is all but inevitable.
In 2003, the United States declared that despite some positive momentum that year and greater signs that the People's Republic of China was willing to engage with the US and others on human rights, there was still serious backsliding. China has acknowledged in principle the importance of protection of human rights and claimed to have taken steps to bring its own human rights practices into conformity with international norms. Among those steps are the signing of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in October 1997, which was ratified in March 2001, and the signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in October 1998, which has not yet been ratified. In 2002, China released a significant number of political and religious prisoners and agreed to interact with UN experts on torture, arbitrary detention, and religion. However, international human rights groups assert that there has been virtually no movement on those promises, with more people having been arrested for similar offences since then. Those groups maintain that China still has a long way to go in instituting the kind of fundamental systemic change that will protect the rights and liberties of all its citizens in Mainland China. The US State Department publishes an annual report on human rights around the world, which includes an evaluation of China's human rights record.
In a decision that was criticized by human rights groups, the US State Department did not list China as one of the world's worst human rights violators in its 2007 report of human rights practices in countries and regions outside the United States. However, the assistant secretary of the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Jonathan D. Farrar stated that China's overall human rights record in 2007 remained poor.
Since 1998, China has annually published a White Paper detailing the human rights abuses by the United States and since 2005 has also published a White Paper on its own political system and democratic progress.
On 27 February 2014, the United States released its China report on human rights practices for 2013, which, according to its executive summary, described the PRC as an authoritarian state and a place in which repression and coercion were routine. On 28 February 2014, China published a report on human rights in the United States that cited surveillance on its own citizens, mistreatment of inmates, gun violence, and homelessness, despite having a vibrant economy, as important issues.
US criticism of China on human rights, especially on the issue of the Xinjiang re-education camps, significantly expanded at the end of 2018 and in 2019. In March 2019, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo indirectly compared China to the Nazi Germany by saying that the roundup of Muslim minorities to into camps had not been seen "since the 1930s." In May 2019, the United States government accused China of putting Uyghurs in "concentration camps." The US government has also considered sanctioning Chinese officials involved in the camps, including Chen Quanguo, the Communist Party Secretary of Xinjiang and a member of the 19th Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party although no Chinese Politburo member has ever been sanctioned by the US government. In July 2019, Vice President Mike Pence accused China of persecuting Christians, Muslims and Buddhists.
On 4 October 2019, the Houston Rockets' general manager, Daryl Morey, issued a tweet that supported the 2019–20 Hong Kong protests. Morey's tweet resulted in the Chinese Basketball Association's suspension of its relationship with the Houston Rockets and the issuance of a statement of dissatisfaction from the consulate office of China in Houston. On 6 October, both Morey and the NBA issued separate statements addressing the original tweet. Morey said that he never intended his tweet to cause any offense, and the NBA said the tweet was "Regrettable." The statements were criticized by US politicians and third-party observers for the perceived exercise of economic statecraft by the PRC and insufficiency of the NBA's defense of Morey's tweet. Critics also contrasted the league's disparate response to Morey's tweet with its history of political activism and compared the incident to an 2 October South Park episode "Band in China" which parodies the self-censorship of the American entertainment industry to meet PRC censorship demands. The statements also drew criticism from PRC state-run media for their perceived insufficiency, as Morey did not apologize.
In June 2020, the White House on 31st anniversary of the Tiananmen Square crackdown, asked Beijing to respect human rights, carry out its due commitments on Hong Kong, as well as flog persecution of ethnic and religious minorities. On 9 July 2020, the United States announced sanctions against Chinese politicians, who as per its record were responsible for human rights violations against Muslim minorities in Xinjiang.
On 20 July 2020, US government sanctioned 11 new Chinese companies from purchasing American technology and products over human rights violations in China targeting Uyghurs in the Xinjiang region.
Many American companies, including Delta Air Lines, Coach New York, Marriott International, Calvin Klein and Tiffany & Co. have apologized to China after "offending" the country and China's ruling Communist Party.
On September 15, 2020, the US government decided to take steps to block some exports from China's Xinjiang region, over the country's alleged human rights abuses directed mostly against the Muslim Uyghurs minority group of the region.
In 2020, Chinese diplomats increasingly adopted "wolf warrior diplomacy" to deny all accusations of human rights abuses. Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Zhao Lijian tweeted that as long as the US had problems itself, it "had no right" to criticize China on human rights abuses.
On January 19, 2021, outgoing Secretary of State Mike Pompeo declared that China is committing a genocide against the Uighurs and crimes against humanity. In a written letter, Pompeo wrote, “I believe this genocide is ongoing, and that we are witnessing the systematic attempt to destroy Uyghurs by the Chinese party-state.” Pompeo called for “all appropriate multilateral and relevant juridical bodies, to join the United States in our effort to promote accountability for those responsible for these atrocities." China strongly denies that human rights abuses are going on in Xinjiang. Pompeo has previously stated that China is trying to "erase its own citizens." Salih Hudayar, the prime minister of the East Turkistan Government-in-Exile (who claim to be the legitimate government of Xinjiang), has said, “We hope that this designation will lead to real strong actions to hold China accountable and bring an end to China’s genocide." Antony Blinken, Joe Biden's nominee for Secretary of State, said that he agrees with Pompeo's assessment.
Around the time of President Biden's inauguration on the 20th, China announced sanctions against Pompeo and 27 other former officials as well as their immediate family members. China accused them of having "planned, promoted and executed” interfering with China's internal affairs. The sanctions bar them from entering China, Hong Kong or Macau. It has also restricted companies associated with them from doing business in China. A spokesperson for Biden's National Security Council called the sanctions "unproductive and cynical."
Influence in AsiaEdit
China's economic rise has led to some geo-political friction between the US and China in East Asia as well as to an extent in Southeast Asia and in Central Asia including Afghanistan. For example, in response to China's response to the bombardment of Yeonpyeong by North Korea, "Washington is moving to redefine its relationship with South Korea and Japan, potentially creating an anti-China bloc in Northeast Asia that officials say they don't want but may need." The Chinese government fears a conspiracy by the US to encircle it.[better source needed]
China and the US have recently led competing efforts to gain influence in Asian trade and development. In 2015, China led the creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank with the goal of financing projects that would spur the development of the lower-tier Asian economies, thus facilitating improved economic ties across the region. It has been suggested that the United States considered the AIIB to be a challenge to the US-backed Asian Development Bank and the World Bank and saw the Chinese effort as an attempt to set the global economic agenda on terms that would be formulated by the Chinese government. The Obama administration led an effort to enact the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement, a multilateral trade pact between a number of Pacific Rim countries, which excluded China. According to the US Trade Representative, the agreement was designed to "promote economic growth; support the creation and retention of jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in the signatories' countries; and promote transparency, good governance, and enhanced labor and environmental protections." The Partnership was anticipated to impose costs on businesses dependent on regional markets. The deal was placed on hold after the US withdrew from the agreement on 23 January 2017. The efforts are among the attempts by both the US and China to increase their influence over the Asia-Pacific by strengthening their economic ties within the region.
In 2009, the United States requested China to open the Wakhjir Pass on the Afghan-Chinese border as an alternative supply route for the U.S. and NATO in their campaign in Afghanistan. China chose to refuse the request.
According to an article published in Jura Gentium, Journal of Philosophy of International Law and Global Politics, there is a "new Sphere of Influence 2" that is shaped mainly by China and the US. Even on social media, if Western, Japanese, and South Korean events and daily life are linked through Facebook, Chinese and American habits and customs are disconnected by the lack of sharing on social media.[original research?] That strategy to avoid American influences from social networks is preserved by the Chinese government.
In response to increased American drone strikes against militants in Pakistan's border areas during the Obama administration, the PRC offered additional fighter jets to Pakistan.[better source needed]
Countries in Southeast Asia have responded to Chinese claims for sea areas by seeking closer relations with the United States. American Defense Secretary Leon Panetta said that in spite of budget pressures, the United States would expand its influence in the region to counter China's military buildup.
On 7 June 2013, Denny Roy, a senior fellow at the East–West Center in Honolulu, argued in The Diplomat that the United States and China must stop striving for trust but instead emphasize verification: "The argument that trust leads to peace is built on the premise that the suspicions between China and the U.S. are unfounded and would evaporate with more and deeper dialogue. Unfortunately, however, at least some of these suspicions are all too warranted." Whether international law should govern regional affairs in Asia, whether China should be allowed to make expansive sovereignty claims, and what the future strategic roles of South Korea and Japan should be are issues that Roy considers to be irreconcilable between China and the US and so strategic trust is not attainable. "The two countries should strive to manage their inevitable bilateral strategic tensions by reaching agreements where both see a benefit and where compliance is measurable... for these inherent rivals and potential adversaries, the emphasis belongs on 'verify,' not 'trust.'"
In the context of US-China relations, a potential application of MAR would be the US pledging not to move its forces into North Korea in the event of a regime collapse, which could be followed by a commitment from China not to move its troops to the Demilitarized Zone in that event.
The problems between the US and China continue to grow in 2021 with President Joe Biden having ordered a review by the US intelligence to assess the possibility of the coronavirus being engineered in a laboratory in China, the likelihood of which had already been under investigation by the WHO. In June 2020, the tensions between the US and China saw a similar intensification when an offer made by the UAE to test the staff at the US embassy was ‘politely declined’ due to its developing ties with China, a country known for abusing human rights. The company in question was a result of the joint venture between China's BGI headed by Wang Jian and UAE's G42 chaired by Sheikh Tahnoun bin Zayed Al Nahyan, both accused in the past of abusing user/patient data privacy, a violation of human rights. The influence of China over the UAE jeopardized its reputation with the States, a western ally whose then-President had long been in a verbal conflict with his Beijing counterpart. The offer was declined considering the involvement of Chinese firms and technologies that became a highly potential point of concern for the patient's privacy.
Cyberwarfare and election meddlingEdit
The US Department of Justice investigation into fundraising activities uncovered evidence that Chinese agents sought to direct contributions from foreign sources to the Democratic National Committee (DNC) before the 1996 presidential campaign. The Chinese embassy in Washington, D.C., was used to co-ordinate contributions to the DNC.
In 2014, Chinese hackers hacked the computer system of the US Office of Personnel Management, resulting in the theft of approximately 22 million personnel records that were handled by the office. Former FBI Director James Comey stated, "It is a very big deal from a national security perspective and from a counterintelligence perspective. It's a treasure trove of information about everybody who has worked for, tried to work for, or works for the United States government."
In October 2018, the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee held a hearing on the threat to the US posed by China. Before the hearing, Bloomberg released an article that stated that China is embedding technology in microchips that are sent to America that collect data on American consumers. However, both FBI Director Christopher Wray and Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen declined to confirm that statement. Nielsen said that China has become a major threat to the US and also confirmed, in an answer to a question from a senator, that China is trying to influence US elections.
In 2019, two Chinese nationals were indicted for the Anthem medical data breach. About 80 million company records were hacked, stoking fears that the stolen data could be used for identity theft. In February 2020, the United States government indicted members of China's PLA for hacking into Equifax and plundering sensitive data as part of a massive heist that also included stealing trade secrets. Private records of more than 145 million Americans were compromised in the 2017 Equifax data breach.
The Voice of America reported in April 2020 that "Internet security researchers say there have already been signs that China-allied hackers have engaged in so-called "spear-phishing" attacks on American political targets" ahead of the 2020 United States elections.
As of 7 July 2020, the U.S. government was 'looking at' banning Chinese video streaming application, TikTok due to national security concerns. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the Trump administration had been aware of the potential threat and has "worked on this issue for a long time". On 19 September 2020, a complaint was filed in Washington by TikTok and its parent company, ByteDance, challenging the recent moves made by the Trump administration to prevent the application from operating in the US. The court documents argued that the US government took the step for political reasons rather than to stop an "unusual and extraordinary threat".
In relation to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on politics, the Trump administration referred to the coronavirus as the "Chinese virus" or the "Wuhan virus", terms which have been criticized for being racist and "distract[ing] from the Trump administration's failure to contain the disease". In return, some Chinese officials, including Zhao Lijian, rejected an earlier acknowledgement of the coronavirus outbreak starting in Wuhan, in favor of conspiracy theories that the virus originated in the U.S. or Italy.The Daily Beast obtained a U.S. government cable outlining a communications strategy with apparent origins in the National Security Council, quoted as "Everything is about China. We're being told to try and get this messaging out in any way possible". Multiple U.S. intelligence agencies have reportedly been pressured by the Trump administration to find intelligence supporting conspiracy theories regarding the origins of the virus in China.
According to a New York Times report in April 2020, the U.S. intelligence community says China intentionally under-reported its number of coronavirus cases. Some outlets such as Politico and Foreign Policy have said China's efforts to send aid to virus-stricken countries is part of a propaganda push for global influence. EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell warned there is "a geo-political component including a struggle for influence through spinning and the 'politics of generosity'". Borrell also said "China is aggressively pushing the message that, unlike the U.S., it is a responsible and reliable partner." China has also called for the U.S. to lift its sanctions from Syria, Venezuela and Iran, while reportedly sending aid to the latter two countries. Jack Ma's donation of 100,000 masks to Cuba was blocked by U.S. sanctions on April 3. Trade in medical supplies between the United States and China has also become politically complicated. Exports of face masks and other medical equipment to China from the United States (and many other countries) spiked in February, according to statistics from Trade Data Monitor, prompting criticism from The Washington Post that the United States government failed to anticipate the domestic needs for that equipment. Similarly, The Wall Street Journal, citing Trade Data Monitor to show that China is the leading source of many key medical supplies, raised concerns that US tariffs on imports from China threaten imports of medical supplies into the United States. The trade war between China and the US alongside Beijing's behavior during the COVID-19 crisis have combined to worsen American public opinion about China.
On September 22, 2020, Donald Trump called on the United Nations to "hold China accountable for their actions", in a speech to the world body's General Assembly. President Trump blamed the Chinese government for the global spread of COVID-19, which had infected 31 million people worldwide and killed more than 965,000, by then.
- Blue Team (U.S. politics)
- Chinese espionage in the United States
- China Lobby
- Chinese Century
- China-United States trade war
- Clash of Civilizations
- Peaceful Evolution theory
- Quadrilateral Security Dialogue
- String of Pearls (Indian Ocean)
- Thucydides Trap
- United States foreign policy toward the People's Republic of China (China containment policy)
- History of China–United States relations to 1948
- East Asia–United States relations
- 1996 United States campaign finance controversy
- Chinatowns in the United States
- Cox Report
- Hainan Island incident
- Hu Na incident
- International relations since 1989
- Nixon in China
- Permanent normal trade relations
- Ping-pong diplomacy
- Red Chinese Battle Plan
- United States-China Economic and Security Review Commission
- U.S. immigration policy toward the People's Republic of China
- US Department of Defense China Task Force
- Churchill, Owen (25 July 2020). "US officials now call Xi Jinping 'general secretary' instead of China's 'president' – but why?". South China Morning Post. Retrieved 25 July 2020.
- Woon, C.Y., 2018. China's Contingencies: Critical Geopolitics, Chinese Exceptionalism and the Uses of History. Geopolitics, 23(1), pp.67-95.
- "Clinton seeks stronger Asia ties". BBC News. 16 February 2009. Retrieved 7 April 2010.
- "USC US-China Institute: Ambassador Clark Randt on "The Crucial Relationship"". China.usc.edu. Archived from the original on 31 March 2009. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- "World Economic Outlook". International Monetary Fund. International Monetary Fund. Retrieved 12 October 2014.
- "Japan surpasses China as the biggest creditor to the US government". South China Morning Post. 16 August 2019. Retrieved 18 August 2019.
- Fisher, Max (14 July 2016). "The South China Sea: Explaining the Dispute". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 11 March 2017.
- Page, Jeremy; Moss, Trefor (30 November 1999). "China's Claims in the South China Sea – The Short Answer". WSJ. Retrieved 30 July 2021.
- "China, US argue over naval activity in South China Sea". Associated Press. 20 May 2021. Retrieved 30 July 2021.
- "Global Indicators Database". Pew Research Center.
- "BBC World Service poll (page 8)" (PDF). GlobeScan. BBC. 30 June 2017. Retrieved 6 July 2018.
- "Americans Fault China for Its Role in the Spread of COVID-19". Pew Research Center. 30 July 2020.
- Pandemic Sees Increase in Chinese Support for Regime, Decrease in Views Towards the U.S. University of San Diego China Data Lab.
- Aleem, Zeeshan (19 January 2017). "9 questions about China you were too embarrassed to ask". Vox. Retrieved 17 September 2021.
- "Why US-China relations are at their lowest point in decades". BBC News. 24 July 2020. Retrieved 28 July 2021.
- "China-US trade war: Sino-American ties being torn down brick by brick". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 18 August 2019.
- "For the U.S. and China, it's not a trade war anymore — it's something worse". Los Angeles Times. 31 May 2019. Retrieved 18 August 2019.
- Long, Qiao (21 May 2020). "U.S. Signals Change in China Strategy to 'Defensive' And 'Competitive' Approach". Radio Free Asia. Retrieved 21 May 2020.
- "A New National Security Strategy for a New Era". whitehouse.gov. 18 December 2017. Retrieved 22 May 2020 – via National Archives.
- Kastrenakes, Jacob (13 August 2018). "Trump signs bill banning government use of Huawei and ZTE tech". The Verge. Archived from the original on 29 May 2019. Retrieved 29 May 2019.
- Swanson, Ana; Mozur, Paul (7 October 2019). "U.S. Blacklists 28 Chinese Entities Over Abuses in Xinjiang". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 25 May 2020.
- Davis and Wei (17 July 2020). "Superpower Showdown: Inside the Trade War". USC U.S.-China Institute. Retrieved 10 August 2020.
- Perlez, Jane (14 April 2019). "F.B.I. Bars Some China Scholars From Visiting U.S. Over Spying Fears". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 14 July 2019.
- Yoon-Hendricks, Alexandra (25 July 2018). "Visa Restrictions for Chinese Students Alarm Academia". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 14 July 2019.
- Meredith, Sam (6 August 2019). "China responds to US after Treasury designates Beijing a 'currency manipulator'". CNBC. Retrieved 6 August 2019.
- Sevastopulo, Demetri; Smith, Colby (6 August 2019). "Subscribe to read". Financial Times. Retrieved 6 August 2019. Cite uses generic title (help)
- "NDR 2019: Singapore will be 'principled' in approach to China-US trade dispute; ready to help workers". CNA. Retrieved 18 August 2019.
- Luce, Edward (19 July 2019). "Subscribe to read". Financial Times. Retrieved 18 August 2019. Cite uses generic title (help)
- "Why a Cold War With China Would Be So Costly". www.worldpoliticsreview.com. Retrieved 18 August 2019.
- "Is China-US cold war inevitable? Chinese analysts say it can't be ruled out". South China Morning Post. 14 August 2019. Retrieved 18 August 2019.
- Maru, Mehari Taddele. "A new cold war in Africa". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 18 August 2019.
- Kate O'Keeffe, Michael C. Bender and Chun Han Wong, "Coronavirus Casts Deep Chill Over U.S.-China Relations: Pandemic has brought relations between the two to a modern-day nadir as they try to outmaneuver one another to shape the world order" The Wall Street Journal May 6, 2020
- Hunnicutt, Trevor; Holland, Steve (21 September 2021). "At U.N., Biden promises 'relentless diplomacy,' not Cold War". Reuters. Retrieved 21 September 2021.
- "White House Pushes U.S. Officials to Criticize China For Coronavirus 'Cover-Up'". Daily Beast. 21 March 2021. Retrieved 21 September 2021.
- Wainer, David (6 October 2020). "Western Allies Rebuke China at UN Over Xinjiang, Hong Kong". Bloomberg.com. Archived from the original on 7 October 2020. Retrieved 6 October 2020.
- Stuart Lao, “U.S. and Europe converge on historic rebuke of China: For the first time ever, G7 leaders mentioned Taiwan and the need to eradicate forced labor.” POLITICO June 13, 2021
- Bernstein, Brittany (20 January 2021). "Incoming Secretary of State Backs Pompeo's Uyghur Genocide Designation". National Review.
- Mauldin, William (19 March 2021). "Bitter Alaska Meeting Complicates Already Shaky U.S.-China Ties". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 20 March 2021.
- "US and China trade angry words at high-level Alaska talks". BBC News. 19 March 2021. Retrieved 20 March 2021.
- "How China's "wolf warrior" diplomats use Twitter to troll Beijing's enemies". Vox. 21 December 2020. Retrieved 28 July 2021.
- "United States | History, Map, Flag, & Population". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 16 October 2019.
- "World Economic Outlook Database - China - NGDPD, PPPGDP, NGDPDPC, PPPPC - 2020". International Monetary Fund. April 2021. Retrieved 30 April 2021.
- "World Economic Outlook Database - United States - NGDPD, PPPGDP, NGDPDPC, PPPPC - 2020". International Monetary Fund. April 2021. Retrieved 30 April 2021.
- "American FactFinder - Results". U.S. Census Bureau. Archived from the original on 18 January 2020. Retrieved 16 September 2018.
- "Comparison Results of World Military Strengths". GlobalFirepower. Retrieved 20 January 2020.
- Kristensen, Hans; Norris, Robert (November 2018). "Status of World Nuclear Forces". Federation of American Scientists.
- Harold Isaacs, Scratches on Our Minds: American Images of China and India (1955) p 71.
- Jonathan Spence ""Western Perceptions of China from the Late Sixteenth Century to the Present"" in Paul S. Ropp, ed. (1990). Heritage of China: Contemporary Perspectives on Chinese Civilization. University of California Press. p. 10. ISBN 9780520064416.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
- Peter Rudolf, "The Sino-American World Conflict" (2020) p. 5.
- John W Garver, China's Quest: the history of the foreign relations of the People's Republic of China (2016) pp 59-83.
- O. Edmund Clubb, China and Russia: The Great Game (1971) pp. 426-479.
- Julia Lovell, Maoism: a Global History (2019) pp. 88-150.
- Cai Xia. "China-US Relations In The Eyes Of The Chinese Communist Party: An Insider's Perspective". Hoover Institution. Retrieved 28 July 2021.
- Charles Ford Redick, "The Jurisprudence of the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission: Chinese Claims." The American Journal of International Law, vol. 67, no. 4 (Oct. 1973) p. 728
- Hao Yufan, and Zhai Zhihai, "China's decision to enter the Korean War: History revisited." China Quarterly (1990): 94-115 online.
- Stokesbury, James L (1990). A Short History of the Korean War. New York: Harper Perennial. p. 83. ISBN 978-0688095130.
- Offner, Arnold A. (2002). Another Such Victory: President Truman and the Cold War, 1945–1953. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. p. 390. ISBN 978-0804747745.
- Cohen, Eliot A; Gooch, John (2005). Military Misfortunes: The Anatomy of Failure in War. Free Press. pp. 165–95. ISBN 978-0-7432-8082-2.
- Zhang, Shu Guang (1995), Mao's Military Romanticism: China and the Korean War, 1950–1953, Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, pp. 119–126, ISBN 0-7006-0723-4
- Alexander, Bevin R. (1986), Korea: The First War We Lost, New York: Hippocrene Books, Inc, pp. 371–376, ISBN 978-0-87052-135-5
- Andrew James, The Korean War: Years of Stalemate, July 1951-July 1953 (US Army Center for Military History, 2000).
- James I. Matray, "Beijing and the Paper Tiger: The Impact of the Korean War on Sino-American Relations." International Journal of Korean Studies 15.1 (2011): 155-186.
- Xiaorong Han, "Spoiled guests or dedicated patriots? The Chinese in North Vietnam, 1954–1978." International Journal of Asian Studies 6.1 (2009): 1-36.
- Chen Jian, "China's Involvement in the Vietnam War, 1964–69." China Quarterly 142 (1995): 356-387 online
- Kwan Ha Yim, China & the US, 1964-72 (1975) pp 57-82.
- Frank E. Rogers,"Sino-American Relations and the Vietnam War, 1964–66." China Quarterly 66 (1976): 293-314 online.
- Nicholas Anthony Autiello, "Taming the Wild Dragon: John F. Kennedy and the Republic of China, 1961–63." Cold War History DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1550077. online review
- Noam Kochavi, "Kennedy, China, and the Tragedy of No Chance." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 7.1/2 (1998): 107–116 online.
- Sean M. Turner, ""A Rather Climactic Period": The Sino–Soviet Dispute and Perceptions of the China Threat in the Kennedy Administration." Diplomacy & Statecraft 22.2 (2011): 261–280.
- Victor S. Kaufman, "A Response to Chaos: The United States, the Great Leap Forward, and the Cultural Revolution, 1961—1968." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 7.1/2 (1998): 73-92 online.
- Steven M. Goldstein, "Dialogue of the Deaf?: The Sino-American Ambassadorial-Level Talks, 1955–1970." in Robert S. Ross; Changbin Jiang (2001). Re-examining the Cold War: U.S.-China Diplomacy, 1954–1973. Harvard Univ Asia Center. pp. 200–37. ISBN 9780674005266.
- Pamela G. Hollie "Thaw in China-U.S. Ties May Unfreeze '49 Assets." The New York Times. 1 October 1979. p. D1
- Dunbabin, J.P.D. (1996). International relations since 1945 ([Nachdr.]. ed.). London [u.a.]: Longman. p. 255. ISBN 978-0-582-49365-0.
- "The Week that Chenged the World". Richard Nixon Foundation. 18 January 2017.
- Goh, Evelyn, Constructing the US Rapprochement with China, 1961–1974: From 'Red Menace' to 'Tacit Ally' , Cambridge University Press, 2005
- Leffler, edited by Melvyn P.; Westad, Odd Arne (2010). The Cambridge history of the Cold War (1. publ. ed.). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 373. ISBN 978-0-521-83720-0.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
- Dube, Clayton. "Getting to Beijing: Kissinger's Secret 1971 Trip". USC US-China Institute. Retrieved 24 July 2011.
- Dube, Clayton. "Sports diplomacy and back channel negotiations". Talking Points, July 22 – August 3, 2011. USC US-China Institute. Retrieved 24 July 2011.
- "Timeline: U.S. Relations With China 1949–2020". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved 9 March 2021.
- "2011 American Business in China White Paper by American Chamber of Commerce in China / KissLibrary: Affordable Ebooks". kisslibrary.com. Retrieved 6 December 2018.
- Magaret MacMillan, Nixon and Mao: The Week That Changed The World (2008)
- Nixon, Richard. "Announcement of the President's Trip to China". US-China documents collection. USC US-China Institute. Retrieved 24 July 2011.
- See "Getting to know you: The US and China shake the world" and "The Week that Changed the World" for recordings, documents, and interviews.
- Kai-Shek, Chiang (20 February 1972). "對國民大會第五次會議開幕典禮致詞" [Speech for the Opening Ceremony of the National Assembly Fifth Meeting]. 中正文教基金會 (Chungcheng Cultural and Educational Foundation) (in Chinese). Retrieved 3 June 2021.
- Dunbabin, J.P.D. (1996). International relations since 1945 ([Nachdr.]. ed.). London [u.a.]: Longman. p. 258. ISBN 978-0-582-49365-0.
- Jeffrey A. Engel, ed. (2011). The China Diary of George H. W. Bush: The Making of a Global President. Princeton UP. p. 356. ISBN 978-1400829613.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
- Jon Meacham (2015). Destiny and Power: The American Odyssey of George Herbert Walker Bush. p. 219. ISBN 9780812998207.
- Vance, Cyrus (1983). Hard Choices. Simon and Schuster. pp. 78–79. ISBN 9780671443399.
- Jim Mann, About face: A history of America's curious relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (1999).
- "US-China Institute :: news & features :: china in u.s. campaign politics: part 6 of election '08 and the challenge of china". China.usc.edu. 16 October 1964. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- Frederick Starr, S. (2004). Xinjiang: China's Muslim Borderland. M.E. Sharpe. pp. 157–158. ISBN 978-0-7656-3192-3.
- Michel Oksenberg, "Reconsiderations: A Decade of Sino-American Relations." Foreign Affairs 61.1 (1982): 190.
- Robert Suettinger, Beyond Tiananmen: The Politics of US-China Relations, 1989–2000 (Brookings Institution Press, 2004).
- Steven M. Goldstein, and Randall Schriver, "An Uncertain Relationship: The United States, Taiwan and the Taiwan Relations Act." China Quarterly 165 (2001): 147–72. online Archived 20 November 2015 at the Wayback Machine
- ss text
- "US Navy warship challenges Chinese claims in the South China Sea".
- "In Beijing rebuke, Taiwan signals closer defense ties with US and Japan".
- Barrett, Jonathan (12 September 2019). "U.S. officials urge caution as Solomons considers cutting Taiwan link". Reuters – via www.reuters.com.
- Eric A. Hyer, "Values Versus Interests: The US Response to the Tiananmen Square Massacre" (Georgetown Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1996. online
- Robert Suettinger, Beyond Tiananmen: The Politics of US-China Relations, 1989–2000 (Brookings Institution Press, 2004.)
- Wesley S. Roehl, "Travel agent attitudes toward China after Tiananmen Square." Journal of Travel Research 29.2 (1990): 16–22.
- David Skidmore and William Gates. "After Tiananmen: The struggle over US policy toward China in the Bush administration." Presidential Studies Quarterly (1997): 514–39. in JSTOR
- "The Future of U.S. – China Relations". Archived from the original on 5 March 2014. Retrieved 31 August 2008.
- Yuwu Song, ed., Encyclopedia of Chinese-American Relations (2009) pp 56–57.
- Yuwu Song, ed., Encyclopedia of Chinese-American Relations (McFarland, 2009) p 63.
- After Hainan: Next Steps for US–China Relations: Hearing Before the Subcommittee on East Asia and the Pacific of the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Seventh Congress, First Session, April 25, 2001 (PDF). Washington: United States Government Publishing Office. p. 45. Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 August 2008.
- Lucian W. Pye, "The United States and Asia in 1997: nothing dramatic, just incremental progress." Asian Survey 38.1 (1998): 99-106 online.
- Guy Roberts, "Circling the Middle Kingdom: George W. Bush and China 1999 – 2003" Australasian Journal of American Studies (2011) 30#1 pp 57-71.
- Chi Wang (2008). George W. Bush and China: Policies, Problems, and Partnerships. Lexington Books. ISBN 9780739131640.
- "U.S. State Department – China (03/03)". state.gov. Retrieved 6 June 2011.
- "US-China Institute :: news & features :: usci symposium explores the taiwan vote". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- "Text of Pres. Bush's welcome". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- Jean Edward Smith, Bush (2016) pp 646-649.
- "Click here for a streaming video version of the lecture". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- The 2008 Pew Global Attitudes Survey in China (22 July 2008) p 5. online
- "Details and video from the meeting". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- Video and documents: Obama and China ; McCain and China .
- The Economist 8 June 2013
- Malcolm Moore (November 2008). "Chinese entrepreneurs get Obama-mania". The Daily Telegraph. Retrieved 23 November 2020.
- "POLITICS-US: Online Poll Shows Obama a Hit in China". Inter Press Service. October 2008. Retrieved 23 November 2020.
- "Obama's international image remains strong in Europe and Asia". Pew Research Center. 29 June 2016. Retrieved 23 November 2020.
- "President Hu Jintao and US President-elect Barack Obama Discuss over Telephone – Hunan Government". Enghunan.gov.cn. 9 November 2008. Archived from the original on 21 July 2011. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- "No call from Obama seen as slight to India". Asiaone.com. 11 November 2008. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- "Asia News Network – Xchange Tool". Archived from the original on 15 June 2011.CS1 maint: unfit URL (link)
- "Barack Obama – can he fix the economy by fixing the environment? | Greenpeace East Asia". Greenpeace.org. 19 November 2008. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- "US-China Institute :: news & features :: making american policy toward china – scholars and policy makers on economics, security, and climate change". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- Boston Study Group on Middle East Peace. "Foreign Policy Association: Resource Library: Viewpoints: Moving the G-2 Forward". Fpa.org. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- "Economic Crisis, Looming Environmental Threats, and Growing Nuclear Weapons Worries -- All in a Day's Work at the Strategic and Economic Dialogue 中美战略与经济对话". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- The aims and challenges of the trip were summarized by the USC US-China Institute: , .
- "Instant Analysis: Reporting on US Presidents in China". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- "China hits back at US over Taiwan weapons sale". BBC News. 30 January 2010. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- Macartney, Jane (19 February 2010). "China summons US Ambassador over Dalai Lama's meeting with Obama". The Times. London. Retrieved 12 July 2010.
- Ramzy, Austin (19 February 2010). "In China, Muted Reaction to Dalai Lama's Visit". Time magazine. Archived from the original on 20 February 2010. Retrieved 12 July 2010.
- Lee, Mj. "China fires at new U.S. defense plan." Politico, 9 January 2012.
- Whitlock, Craig. "Philippines may allow greater U.S. military presence in reaction to China's rise." The Washington Post, 25 January 2012.
- Mark Landler and Steven Lee Myers (26 April 2012). "U.S. Sees Positive Signs From China on Security Issues". The New York Times. Retrieved 9 November 2012.
- "China-U.S. Accord Sets UN Vote on North Korea Sanctions". Bloomberg.
- Calmes, Jackie and Steven Lee Myers (8 June 2013). "U.S. and China Move Closer on North Korea, but Not on Cyberespionage". The New York Times. Retrieved 11 June 2013.
- Sanger, David E. (9 June 2013). "Obama and Xi Try to Avoid a Cold War Mentality". The New York Times.
- McGregor, Richard (10 June 2013). "Obama-Xi summit presented as a walk in the park". Financial Times. Retrieved 11 June 2013.
- "White House: no change to 'one China' policy after Trump call with Taiwan". Reuters. 2 December 2016.
- "Remarks by President Obama and President Xi Jinping in Joint Press Conference". 23 November 2014.
- "Defense secretary's warning to China: U.S. military won't change operations". The Washington Post. 27 May 2015.
- "Statement by the Press Secretary on Bilateral Meeting with President Xi Jinping of the People's Republic of China". whitehouse.gov. 24 March 2016 – via National Archives.
- Allen-Ebrahimian, Bethany (19 January 2021). "Special report: Trump's U.S.-China transformation". Axios. Retrieved 31 January 2021.
- "China lodges protest after Trump call with Taiwan president". Reuters. 4 December 2016.
- "Trump says U.S. not necessarily bound by 'one China' policy". Reuters. 12 December 2016.
- "Chinese military official warns that war with US under Trump is becoming a 'practical reality'". Business Insider.
- "China 'steps up preparedness for possible military conflict with US'". 26 January 2017.
- "China says will protect South China Sea sovereignty". Reuters. 24 January 2017.
- Lendon, Brad. "Mattis: US will defend Japanese islands claimed by China". CNN.
- "Trump climbdown on 'One China' threats". BBC News. 10 February 2017.
- Bodeen, Christopher (3 July 2017). "China's Xi warns Trump of 'negative factors' hurting US ties". Associated Press. Retrieved 5 July 2017.
- Tillerson speaks out after being fired, CNN (13 March 2018), s.v. 6:20
- Julia Horowitz (5 December 2018). "Huawei CFO Meng Wanzhou arrested in Canada". CNN. Retrieved 25 October 2019.
- "Huawei finance chief Meng Wanzhou arrested in Canada". BBC News. 6 November 2018.
- Al Jazeera Inside Story, 8 December 2018, Why is China's biggest technology company being targeted?, Minutes 12:55; 14:10-ff.
- Ren, Shuli (9 December 2018). "Beyond Huawei, Scientist's Death Hurts China's Technology Quest". Bloomberg News. Archived from the original on 10 December 2018. Retrieved 8 January 2019.
- Donnan, Shawn; Wingrove, Josh; Mohsin, Saleha (15 January 2020). "U.S. and China Sign Phase One of Trade Deal". Bloomberg.com.
- Davis, Bob (16 January 2020). "U.S.-China Deal Could Upend the Way Nations Settle Disputes". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 21 January 2020.
- Lawder, David (15 January 2020). "In U.S.-China Phase 1 trade deal, enforcement may end in 'We quit'". Reuters. Retrieved 21 January 2020 – via reuters.com.
- Michael D Swaine, "A Relationship Under Extreme Duress: U.S.-China Relations at a Crossroads" Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (Jan. 16, 2019)
- Michael D Swaine, "A Relationship Under Extreme Duress: U.S.-China Relations at a Crossroads" Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (Jan. 16, 2019)
- Foot, Rosemary; King, Amy (1 June 2019). "Assessing the deterioration in China–U.S. relations: U.S. governmental perspectives on the economic-security nexus". China International Strategy Review. 1 (1): 39–50. doi:10.1007/s42533-019-00005-y. ISSN 2524-5635.
- Foot and King, "Assessing the deterioration in China–US relations: US governmental perspectives on the economic-security nexus." (2019)
- Walt, Stephen M (29 July 2019). "Yesterday's Cold War Shows How to Beat China Today". FP. Foreign Policy.
- . Dobriansky, Paula J (30 April 2020). "An Allied Plan to Depend Less on China". The Wall Street Journal. wsj.
Washington and its partners in Asia should set up new supply chains, restructure trade relations, and start to create an international economic order that is less dependent on China. A multilateral "coalition of the willing" approach would better align trading ties with political and security relationships. It would also help India and nations in Southeast Asia develop more rapidly, becoming stronger U.S. partners.
- Friedberg, Aaron L. (September–October 2020). "An Answer to Aggression". Foreign Affairs. Foreign Affairs.
The aims of this approach should be twofold: first, to deny Beijing its immediate objectives, imposing costs, slowing the growth of China's power and influence, and reducing the threat it can pose to democracies and to an open international system; and second, by demonstrating the futility of China's current strategy, to change the calculations of its ruling elite, forcing them to eventually rethink both their foreign and their domestic policies. This will take time, and given Xi's obvious predispositions and commitments, success may well depend on changes in the top leadership of the CCP.
- Lawrence J. Lau, "The China–US Trade War and Future Economic Relations." China and the World (Lau Chor Tak Institute of Global Economics and Finance, 2019): 1–32. quote p. 3 online
- Swaminathan, Aarthi (28 May 2020). "US and China heading towards a cold war: Ian Bremmer". Yahoo News.
- "Trump's Biggest Foreign Policy Win So Far". TIME. 20 July 2020.
- "Opinion: President Trump's China policy is working, but you'd never know that from media reports". Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times. 20 September 2019.
- Galloway, Anthony (24 November 2019). "'I fear something worse': Obama adviser on the danger of China and the need to stick by the US". SMH. SMH.
- "Susan Rice on Trump, impeachment and why Canada shouldn't back down to China". CBC. CBC. 3 November 2019.
- "Team Biden's Policies on China and Taiwan". The Diplomat. 16 July 2020.
- "China's leadership is 'not scared of Donald Trump' on trade: Susan Rice". Yahoo Finance. 18 October 2019.
- Demers, John (11 February 2020). "Report on the China Initiative, 2018-2019". USC U.S.-China Institute. Retrieved 10 August 2020.
- Lewis, Margaret (13 May 2020). "Criminalizing China". Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. December 2020. SSRN 3600580.
- Kate O'Keeffe and Katy Stech Ferek (14 November 2019). "Stop Calling China's Xi Jinping 'President,' U.S. Panel Says". The Wall Street Journal.
- Musgrave, Paul (2 May 2019). "The Slip That Revealed the Real Trump Doctrine". Foreign Policy.
- Ward, Steven (4 May 2019). "Because China isn't 'Caucasian,' the U.S. is planning for a 'clash of civilizations.' That could be dangerous". Washington Post.
- Chappell, Bill (29 January 2020). "Interior Department Grounds Chinese-Made Drones, Months After It Approved Them". NPR. Retrieved 17 November 2020.
- Friedman, Lisa; McCabe, David (29 January 2020). "Interior Dept. Grounds Its Drones Over Chinese Spying Fears". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 17 November 2020.
- Naranjo, Jesse (18 February 2020). "U.S. to treat 5 Chinese media firms as 'foreign missions'". Politico. Retrieved 20 February 2020.
- Hjelmgaard, Kim (19 February 2020). "China expels Wall Street Journal reporters over 'racist' headline on coronavirus op-ed". USA Today. Retrieved 20 February 2020.
- "China to restrict US journalists from three major newspapers". BBC. 18 March 2020.
- "U.S. designates four major Chinese media outlets as foreign missions". Reuters. 22 June 2020.
- Wang, Vivian; Wong, Edward (9 May 2020). "U.S. Hits Back at China With New Visa Restrictions on Journalists". The New York Times. Retrieved 10 May 2020.
- "Former Obama Advisor on Iran: "We're in a Much Worse Place"". PBS. 1 August 2020. Archived from the original on 9 November 2020.
- "Americans take an ever more negative view of China". The Economist. April 2020. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
- "Amid Coronavirus Outbreak, Americans' Views of China Increasingly Negative". Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project. 21 April 2020. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
- Vallejo, Justin (15 May 2020). "US cuts off semiconductor shipments to Huawei, China vows to retaliate". The Independent. Retrieved 17 May 2020.
- Evans, Zachary (15 May 2020). "China Threatens to Place Apple, Boeing, and Other U.S. Firms on 'Unreliable Entities' List". National Review. Retrieved 17 May 2020.
- "China warns US of 'all necessary measures' over Huawei rules". Associated Press. 17 May 2020. Retrieved 17 May 2020.
- Lamarque, Kevin; Haltiwanger, John (13 May 2020). "The US and China are on the brink of a new Cold War that could devastate the global economy". Reuters via Business Insider. Retrieved 14 May 2020.
- Wong, Edward; Crowley, Michael (13 July 2020). "U.S. Says Most of China's Claims in South China Sea Are Illegal". The New York Times.
- "Trump signed a law to punish China for its oppression of the Uighur Muslims. Uighurs say much more needs to be done". Business Insider. 30 June 2020.
- "U.S. Congress urges Trump administration to get tougher on China's Xinjiang crackdown". Reuters. 2 July 2020.
- "US sanctions Chinese officials over Xinjiang 'violations'". www.bbc.com. 9 July 2020.
- Yellinek, Roie (14 July 2020). "The Chinese Media's Take on US Unrest". Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies. Retrieved 21 July 2020.
- "Covid-19 Disinformation & Social Media Manipulation". ASPI. ASPI. Retrieved 4 August 2020.
- "FBI director: China is 'greatest threat' to US". BBC News. 8 July 2020.
- Diamond, Larry (17 July 2020). "The End of China's "Peaceful Rise"". The American Interest.
- "US sanctions 11 Chinese companies over human rights abuses in Xinjiang". CNN International. Retrieved 21 July 2020.
- Re, Gregg (23 July 2020). "Pompeo announces end of 'blind engagement' with communist China: 'Distrust but verify'". Fox News. Retrieved 23 July 2020.
- "China imposes sanctions on US officials in retaliation for Hong Kong measures". FT. 10 August 2020.
- "U.S. imposes sanctions on Hong Kong's Lam, other officials over crackdown". Reuters. 7 August 2020.
- "China imposes sanctions on Republican U.S. lawmakers over Hong Kong". Reuters. Reuters. 10 August 2020.
- Churchill, Owen (21 August 2020). "President no more? A US bill would ban the title for China's leader". South China Morning Post. Retrieved 23 August 2020..
- "US revokes visas for 1,000 Chinese under Trump order". AFP. 10 September 2020. Retrieved 10 September 2020.
- Pamuk, Humeyra (9 September 2020). "U.S. says revoked more than 1,000 visas of Chinese nationals over military links". Reuters (via Yahoo finance). Retrieved 10 September 2020.
- "US tightens trade restrictions on Chinese chipmaker SMIC". The Verge. 26 September 2020. Retrieved 26 September 2020.
- "U.S. tightens exports to China's chipmaker SMIC, citing risk of military use". Reuters. 26 September 2020. Retrieved 26 September 2020.
- U.S. House (October 2020). "Perry Introduces Bill to Protect Americans from Chinese Criminal Activity". U.S. House. Archived from the original on 2 October 2020. Retrieved 2 October 2020.
- McNabb, Miriam (9 October 2020). "No Department of Justice Funds for DJI Drones: DOJ Makes the Ban Official, but Some Federal Agencies May Suffer". DRONELIFE. Retrieved 17 November 2020.
- "EXCLUSIVE-Trump administration to consider adding China's Ant Group to trade blacklist -sources". Reuters. Retrieved 14 October 2020.
- "Taiwan welcomes latest U.S. arms sales". Focus Taiwan CNA.
- "China to impose sanctions on U.S. firms over Taiwan arms sales". Reuters. 26 October 2020. Retrieved 26 October 2020.
- "Taiwan 'deeply regrets' China's threat against U.S. arms suppliers". Focus Taiwan CNA.
- Griffiths, James. "India signs defensive agreement with US following Himalayan standoff with China". CNN. Archived from the original on 28 October 2020. Retrieved 27 October 2020.
- "China offered Afghan militants bounties to attack US soldiers: reports". Deutsche Welle. 31 December 2020.
- Satter, Raphael (5 December 2020). "U.S. ends exchange programs with China, calling them 'propaganda'". Reuters. Retrieved 5 December 2020.
- Allen-Ebrahimian, Bethany; Dorfman, Zach (8 December 2020). "Exclusive: Suspected Chinese spy targeted California politicians". Axios.
- "Eric Swalwell Report Fits Bill of China Spy Pattern Identified By FBI". Newsweek. 11 December 2020.
- "17 House GOP members send letter to Pelosi urging Swalwell's removal from Intel Committee". Fox News. 17 December 2020.
- Murray, Paul (13 December 2020). "There are 'many ways' in which China 'gets what it wants'". Sky News Australia.
- "EDITORIAL: Chinese infiltration: Taiwan can help". Taiwan Times. 18 December 2020.
- "EXPLAINER: Why US accused China of genocide and what's next". The Independent. 20 January 2021. Retrieved 20 January 2021.
- "Mike Pompeo declares China's treatment of Uighurs 'genocide'". The Guardian. 19 January 2021. Retrieved 21 January 2021.
- "U.S. Says China Is Committing Genocide Against Uighur Muslims". Wall Street Journal. 20 January 2021. Retrieved 22 January 2021.
- Sha Hua and Andrew Jeang, "U.S. and China Discuss Enhancing Beijing’s Climate Commitments Climate envoy John Kerry says meetings with counterparts in Shanghai were productive" Wall Street Journal, April, 19, 2021
- Ramzy, Austin (24 January 2021). "China Sends Warplanes to Taiwan Strait in a Show of Force to Biden". The New York Times.
- Martina, Michael (21 January 2021). "Biden administration calls China sanctions on Trump officials 'unproductive and cynical'". Reuters. Retrieved 21 January 2021.
- Chandler, Clay (20 January 2021). "When it comes to China, Team Biden sounds a lot like Team Trump". Fortune (for Yahoo! Finance). Retrieved 21 January 2021.
- Lun Tian, Yew (28 January 2021). "Don't treat China as 'strategic rival', says China's ambassador to U.S." Reuters. Retrieved 28 January 2021.
- Brennan, Margaret (28 January 2021). "Biden administration facing pressure after China's treatment of Uighurs ruled genocide". CBS News. Retrieved 28 January 2021.
- Churchill, Owen (5 February 2021). "In first foreign policy address, President Biden calls China the 'most serious competitor' to the US". South China Morning Post (via Yahoo! Finance). Retrieved 7 February 2021.
- Burns, Robert; Baldor, Lolita C.; Madhani, Aamer (10 February 2021). "Biden calls for China review during first Pentagon visit". Associated Press. Retrieved 21 September 2021.
- "China urges US to lift trade restrictions, stop interference". The Associated Press. Retrieved 22 February 2021.
- Aspinwall, Nick. "Taiwan, US Trade Officials Set to Meet in 'Coming Weeks'". thediplomat.com. The Diplomat. Retrieved 11 June 2021.
- James T. Areddy, "Back-to-Back Rebukes of China Mark a Turning Point: Criticism from G-7 and NATO members represent a shift toward collective action to confront Beijing" Wall Street Journal June 15, 2021
- Sabine Siebold, Steve Holland and Robin Emmott, "NATO adopts tough line on China at Biden’s debut summit with alliance" Reuters June 14, 2021
- Karla Adam et al., "G-7 takes stronger stand against China, at U.S. urging" Washington Post June 13, 2021.
- "U.S. blacklists 23 more Chinese entities over Xinjiang abuses, military ties". Axios. Retrieved 9 July 2021.
- "Biden airs hypersonic missile fears as probable ambassador labels China 'untrustworthy'". Deutsche Welle. 20 October 2021.
- "China successfully tested hypersonic weapon in August: report". Space.com. 17 October 2021.
- Ni, Vincent; Davidson, Helen (10 September 2021). "Biden tells Xi US and China must not 'veer into conflict'". The Guardian. Retrieved 21 September 2021.
- "Treffen in Zürich: Die Gespräche sind beendet, Sullivan äussert Bedenken gegenüber Chinas Vorgehen" (in German) Neue Zürcher Zeitung. Retrieved 6 October 2021.
- "Biden says United States would come to Taiwan's defense". Reuters. 22 October 2021.
- Cooper, Helene (3 November 2021). "China Could Have 1,000 Nuclear Warheads by 2030, Pentagon Says". The New York Times.
- "Biden, Xi try to tamp down tension in long virtual meeting". Associated Press. 15 November 2021.
- "U.S. invites Taiwan to its democracy summit; China angered". Reuters. 24 November 2021. Retrieved 24 November 2021.
- Feenstra, Robert; Ma, Hong; Sasahara, Akira; Xu, Yuan (18 January 2018). "Reconsidering the 'China shock' in trade". VoxEU.org.
- "Waking the Sleeping Dragon". Slate. 28 September 2016.
- "Was Letting China Into the WTO a Mistake?". Foreign Affairs. 2 April 2018.
- "Normalizing Trade Relations With China Was a Mistake". The Atlantic. 8 June 2018.
- "President Grants Permanent Trade Status to China". whitehouse.gov. 27 December 2001 – via National Archives.
- Autor, David H.; Dorn, David; Hanson, Gordon H. (2016). "The China Shock: Learning from Labor Market Adjustment to Large Changes in Trade" (PDF). Annual Review of Economics. 8 (1): 205–240. doi:10.1146/annurev-economics-080315-015041. S2CID 1415485.
- Bartash, Jeffry (14 May 2018). "China really is to blame for millions of lost U.S. manufacturing jobs, new study finds". Market Watch.
- "The China toll: Growing U.S. trade deficit with China cost more than 2.7 million jobs between 2001 and 2011, with job losses in every state".
- Graph showing US-China trade  Archived 13 August 2011 at the Wayback Machine; source 
- "World Economic Outlook Database, April 2007". Imf.org. 14 September 2006. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- "Wu Yi opens the Third China-US Strategic Economic Dialogue, 2007".
- "U.S. Treasury Sec. Henry Paulson opens Strategic Economic Dialogue, Dec. 2007".
- "Tensions over Trade: Part 2 of Election '08 and the Challenge of China".
- "Obama's Tire Tariff Draws Beijing's Ire". Bloomberb Businessweek. 13 September 2010.
- "Statistics on world trade, list of US-China WTO complaints". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- China slaps deposits/tariffs on US steel exports; US politicians rant about China 
- "Trade and Tariffs" (PDF). World Trade Organization. 2015.
- Lamy, Pascal (24 January 2011). "'Made in China' tells us little about global trade". Financial Times. FT.com. Retrieved 7 July 2012.
- Isidore, Chris (13 March 2012). "U.S. vs. China: The trade battles". CNN Money.
- DeBarros, Paul Kiernan and Anthony (2 August 2019). "Tariff Fight Knocks Off China as Top U.S. Trading Partner". Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 6 August 2019.
- "Sinopec signs China's largest long-term LNG contract with U.S. firm". Reuters. 4 November 2021.
- "Sinopec signs huge LNG deals with US producer Venture Global". Financial Times. 20 October 2021.
- "Asian buyers outbid Europe for spot supplies of US natural gas". Financial Times. 21 September 2021.
- Skaff, Rebecca; Lincoln, Webb (March 2018). "Understanding China's Currency Manipulation". The Takeaway. The Mosbacher Institute for Trade, Economics, and Public Policy at Texas A&M University Bush School of Government and Public Service. 9 (1). hdl:1969.1/166316 – via OAKTrust.
- C. Fred Bergsten, China is No Longer Manipulating its Currency, Peterson Institute for International Economics (18 November 2016).
- "House panel cranks up pressure on China currency". Reuters. 24 September 2010.
- Paul Wiseman, Fact check: Does China manipulate its currency?, Associated Press (29 December 2016).
- "U.S. designates China as currency manipulator for first time in..." Reuters. 5 August 2019. Retrieved 6 August 2019.
- Rappeport, Alan (13 January 2020). "U.S. Says China Is No Longer a Currency Manipulator". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 20 January 2020.
- "Foreign Holdings of Treasuries as of May, 2011".
- Barboza, David (6 August 2011). "China Condemns U.S. "Addiction to Debts"". The New York Times.
- Foster, Peter (13 March 2009). "Chinese premier Wen Jiabao worried about US debt". The Daily Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on 3 September 2014.
- "Update: China calls for global cooperation on debt risks". Reuters. 5 August 2011.
- Kurt Brouwer. "China & the U.S. debt addiction". Marketwatch. Archived from the original on 29 September 2011. Retrieved 7 August 2011.
- [permanent dead link]
- Jamieson, Alastair (6 August 2011). "China Calls for New Global Reserve Currency". The Daily Telegraph. London.
- Pierson, David (6 August 2011). "China Chastises U.S. Over Debt". Los Angeles Times.
- Fred E. Jandt (2012). An Introduction to Intercultural Communication: Identities in a Global Community. SAGE. p. 103. ISBN 9781412992879.
-  Archived 6 December 2004 at the Wayback Machine
- "Rumsfeld questions China spending". BBC News. 18 October 2005. Retrieved 7 April 2010.
- "china's military spends hundreds of millions of dollars". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- John Pike. "World Wide Military Expenditures". Globalsecurity.org. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- "china's military spends hundreds of millions of dollars". China.usc.edu. Archived from the original on 2 February 2009. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- Harding, Thomas (1 May 2008). "Chinese nuclear submarine base". The Daily Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on 4 May 2008. Retrieved 7 April 2010.
- "SIPRI military expenditure database". Archived from the original on 29 November 2006.
- "Is There a Civil-Military Gap in China's Peaceful Rise?" (PDF). Carlisle.army.mil. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- Luce, Dan De (26 October 2009). "Time to end 'on-again-off-again' US-China ties: Pentagon". Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- Entous, Adam (3 June 2010). "Gates says China's PLA may be trying to thwart ties". Reuters.com. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- Miles, Donna. "Gates Cites Encouraging Trends Regarding Iran, China." "American Forces Press Service", 8 November 2010
- Pessin, Al. "US Wants Better Military Ties to China, But Will Continue Pacific Operations." Archived 6 December 2010 at the Wayback Machine Voice of America, 1 December 2010.
- Capaccio, Tony. "Chinese Missiles Could Close U.S. Bases in Attack, Report Says." Bloomberg, 11 November 2010
- Robert S. Norris and Hans M. Kristensen "Chinese nuclear forces, 2010." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists
- Minnick, Wendell. "PLA 20 Years Behind U.S. Military: Chinese DM." Defense News, 7 June 2011.
- "East-West military gap rapidly shrinking: report". Reuters. 8 March 2011. Retrieved 25 October 2019.
- Beijing, Julian E. Barnes in Washington, Nathan Hodge in Newport News, Va, and Jeremy Page in (4 January 2012). "China Takes Aim at U.S. Naval Might". The Wall Street Journal. ISSN 0099-9660. Retrieved 25 October 2019.
- Miles, Donna. "U.S., China to Consider Sharing Resources during Joint Missions." Archived 14 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine American Forces Press Service, 12 October 2012.
- James R. Holmes, The Diplomat. "What to Make of China's Defense Spending Increase - The Diplomat". The Diplomat.
- Kagan, Robert (2012). The World America Made. New York: Knopf. p. 90.
- "U.S. Department of State, 2007 Human Rights in China, March 11, 2008". Archived from the original on 19 October 2014. Retrieved 31 August 2008.
- "U.S. Department of State, 2008 Human Rights in China, February 25, 2009". Archived from the original on 11 October 2014. Retrieved 26 December 2009.
- Cooper, Helen (12 March 2008). "U.S. Drops China From List of Top 10 Violators of Rights". NYT.
- "2002 PRC White Paper on US Human Rights Abuses". china.org.cn. 11 March 2002. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- "PRC State Council, Human Rights Record of the United States in 2007, March 13, 2008". Archived from the original on 2 March 2014. Retrieved 31 August 2008.
- "PRC State Council, Human Rights Record of the United States in 2008, February 27, 2009". Archived from the original on 11 October 2014. Retrieved 26 December 2009.
- 2005/10/19 (19 October 2005). "China issues 1st white paper on democracy (10/19/05)". China-embassy.org. Retrieved 2 December 2010.CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
- "White Paper on China's Political System, 2007". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- "China issues report on U.S. human rights - Xinhua - English.news.cn".
- "Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2013: China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau)". U.S. Department of State.
- hermes (23 September 2018). "US criticises treatment of Uighurs in latest China row". The Straits Times. Retrieved 22 August 2019.
- Sanger, David E. (13 March 2019). "State Dept. Accuses China of Rights Abuses Not Seen 'Since the 1930s'". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 22 August 2019.
- "State Department compares China to Nazi Germany in human rights briefing". Washington Examiner. 13 March 2019. Retrieved 22 August 2019.
- "China putting minority Muslims in 'concentration camps,' U.S. says". Reuters. 4 May 2019. Retrieved 22 August 2019.
- "Top Xinjiang official Chen Quanguo should face sanctions – US lawmakers". South China Morning Post. 4 April 2019. Retrieved 22 August 2019.
- "Rights group urges U.S. to sanction China over Xinjiang camps". Reuters. 29 May 2019. Retrieved 22 August 2019.
- "Remarks by Vice President Pence at the 2nd Annual Religious Freedom Ministerial". whitehouse.gov. Retrieved 22 August 2019 – via National Archives.
- "Rockets working to mend ties with China after executive's Hong Kong tweet". AP. 6 October 2019.
- "Rockets' general manager's Hong Kong comments anger China". Associated Press. 7 October 2019.
- Chang, Joy (7 October 2019). "Houston Rockets GM's Hong Kong tweet outrages Chinese fans". SCMP.
- Victor, Daniel (7 October 2019). "Hong Kong Protests Put N.B.A. on Edge in China". NYT.
- Some relevant sources include:
- "Rockets' general manager's Hong Kong comments anger China". Associated Press. 7 October 2019.
- "China's vise grip on corporate America". Axios. Axios. 8 October 2019.
- "The NBA Should Call China's Bluff". Bloomberg. Bloomberg. 8 October 2019.
- "Sixers have a chance to show some guts about the NBA and China. They're passing it up. | Mike Sielski". Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia Inquirer. 7 October 2019.
- "CNN's Kate Bolduan Rips NBA for Silencing Exec Who Criticized China: 'This is Shocking'". Mediaite. Mediaite.
- "Opinion: The NBA was staring down a China problem with or without Daryl Morey's tweet". LAT. LAT. 7 October 2019.
- "The day the NBA fluttered before China". The Washington Post. Chron. 7 October 2019.
- "Daryl Morey's tweet on Hong Kong shows how China is calling the shots in the NBA". NBC News. NBC News. 8 October 2019.
- "NBA Defends 'Freedom Of Speech' For Employees As China Moves To Block Games Facebook Twitter Flipboard Email". NPR. NPR.
Critics in the U.S. are accusing the NBA of prioritizing profits over principles. And critics in China also cried foul, saying the league is being insensitive in handling a politically divisive issue.
- Some relevant sources include:
- "China's heavy-handed reaction to the NBA is just the wake-up call the world needed". CNBC. CNBC. 8 October 2019.
The NBA is not likely to face a debilitating series of protests from U.S. fans who may be angered by the league's agonizingly cautious and wavering responses to Morey's tweet. But the extreme attention the story has garnered does weaken the NBA's efforts to cast itself as a force for positive social change. Commissioner Adam Silver's public declaration of his "personal outrage" over the racist comments made by former L.A. Clippers owner Donald Sterling in 2014, and his pushback against the passing of the controversial transgender bathroom law in North Carolina in 2016 seem inconsistent now with a league that remains silent about China's many human rights abuses.
- "Sixers have a chance to show some guts about the NBA and China. They're passing it up. | Mike Sielski". Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia Inquirer. 7 October 2019.
- "CNN's Kate Bolduan Rips NBA for Silencing Exec Who Criticized China: 'This is Shocking'". Mediaite. Mediaite.
- "NBA's response to China backlash at odds with league's history". CNN. CNN. 8 October 2019.
- "The World's Wokest Sports League Bows to China". NYT. NYT. 7 October 2019.
- "Opinion: The NBA was staring down a China problem with or without Daryl Morey's tweet". LAT. LAT. 7 October 2019.
- "Opinion: It's time for LeBron James to speak out on China, regardless of Nike ties". USAToday. USAToday.
- "The day the NBA fluttered before China". The Washington Post. Chron. 7 October 2019.
- "China's heavy-handed reaction to the NBA is just the wake-up call the world needed". CNBC. CNBC. 8 October 2019.
- Brzeski, Patrick (7 October 2019). "'South Park' Scrubbed From Chinese Internet After Critical Episode". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved 7 October 2019.
- 陈远丁; 黄钰; 席莉莉 (7 October 2019). "莫雷、NBA声明均未道歉 网友：这是对中国的无视和挑衅" [Morey & NBA did not apologize; Netizens: It's provocative behavior toward China]. 人民网 (in Chinese). Retrieved 8 October 2019.
- "央视快评：莫雷必须道歉" [Morey Must Apologize]. CCTV (in Chinese). 7 October 2019. Retrieved 8 October 2019.
- "White House, on Tiananmen anniversary, urges China to respect human rights". Reuters. 4 June 2020. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
- "Xinjiang: US sanctions on Chinese officials over 'abuse' of Muslims". BBC News. 9 July 2020. Retrieved 9 July 2020.
- Swanson, Ana (20 July 2020). "U.S. Imposes Sanctions on 11 Chinese Companies Over Human Rights". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 July 2020.
- "The NBA landed in hot water after the Houston Rockets GM supported the Hong Kong protests. Here are other times Western brands caved to China after offending the Communist Party". Business Insider. 8 October 2019.
- "Xinjiang: US to block some exports citing China's human rights abuses". BBC News. 15 September 2020. Retrieved 15 September 2020.
- Westcott, Ben; Jiang, Steven (29 May 2020). "China is embracing a new brand of wolf warrior diplomacy". CNN. Retrieved 8 October 2021.
- "Pompeo urges world to resist China's demands to repatriate ethnic Uighurs". Reuters. 20 January 2021. Retrieved 20 January 2021.
- Wong, Edward (22 September 2010). "U.S. Influence in Asia Revives Amid China's Disputes". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 25 October 2019.
- "China's influence in Southeast Asia is growing — and the U.S. Has some catching up to do". CNBC. 12 June 2020.
- "Russia, China Vie for Influence in Central Asia as U.S. Plans Afghan Exit". Wall Street Journal. 18 June 2019.
- Pomfret, John. "U.S. steps up pressure on China to rein in North Korea." The Washington Post, 6 December 2010.
- Lam, Willy Wo-Lap. "Beijing's Alarm Over New 'US Encirclement Conspiracy'." Archived 7 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine Jamestown Foundation, 12 April 2005
- Perlez, Jane (4 December 2015). "China Creates a World Bank of Its Own, and the U.S. Balks". The New York Times. Retrieved 11 May 2017.
- "Summary of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement". USTR. 4 October 2015. Retrieved 16 October 2015.
- Gulotty, Robert; Li, Xiaojun (30 July 2019). "Anticipating exclusion: Global supply chains and Chinese business responses to the Trans-Pacific Partnership". Business and Politics. 22 (2): 253–278. doi:10.1017/bap.2019.8. S2CID 201359183.
- "Trump executive order pulls out of TPP trade deal". BBC News. Retrieved 23 January 2017.
Mr Trump's executive order on TPP is seen as mainly symbolic since the deal was never ratified by a divided US Congress.
- Malik, Hasan Yaser (2014). "Geo-political Significance of the Wakhan Corridor for China". Fudan Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences. 7 (2): 307–323. doi:10.1007/s40647-014-0017-z. S2CID 140705773.
- "The New Road to Conflict: Geopolitics of the Wakhan Corridor". 5 December 2019.
- "The Theory of the Globe Scrambled by Social Networks". www.juragentium.org. Retrieved 25 October 2019.
- Donald, David. "Report: China To Provide JF-17s to Pakistan." Archived 9 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine AINonline, 6 June 2011.
- Slavin, Erik. "China's claim on sea leads Asian neighbors to strengthen ties with U.S." Stars and Stripes, 27 June 2011.
- Entous, Adam. "Pentagon Will Add to Asia Operations." The Wall Street Journal, 26 October 2011.
- Roy, Denny (7 June 2013). "U.S.-China Relations: Stop Striving For "Trust"". The Diplomat. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
- Kerr, Simeon (2 June 2020). "UAE caught between US and China as powers vie for influence in Gulf". Financial Times. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
- "U.S., China Tensions Will Make It Difficult for WHO to Find COVID-19 Origins, Experts Say". Newsweek. 2 July 2021. Retrieved 2 July 2021.
- Woodward, Bob and Duffy, Brian, "Chinese Embassy Role In Contributions Probed", The Washington Post, 13 February 1997
- "Findings Link Clinton Allies to Chinese Intelligence". The Washington Post. 11 February 1998.
- Correspondent, Evan Perez, CNN Justice (24 August 2017). "FBI arrests Chinese national connected to malware used in OPM data breach". CNN.
- "Hacks of OPM databases compromised 22.1 million people, federal authorities say". The Washington Post. 9 July 2015.
- Roberts, Ed (10 October 2018). "Threats posed by China focus of Senate Homeland Security hearing - Homeland Preparedness News". Homeland Preparedness News. Retrieved 25 October 2018.
- GELLER, ERIC (9 May 2019). "Chinese nationals charged for Anthem hack, 'one of the worst data breaches in history'". Politico.
- Abelson, Reed; Goldstein, Matthew (5 February 2015). "Anthem Hacking Points to Security Vulnerability of Health Care Industry". The New York Times.
- "Data from Equifax credit hack could "end up on the black market," expert warns". CBS News. 11 February 2020.
- "Four Members of China's Military Indicted Over Massive Equifax Breach". The Wall Street Journal. 11 February 2020.
- "FBI Director Wray warns of Chinese hacking, espionage threats against American companies". The Hill. 7 July 2020.
- "China, Caught Meddling in Past Two US Elections, Claims 'Not Interested' in 2020 Vote". Voice of America. 30 April 2020.
- "China, Caught Meddling in Past Two US Elections, Claims 'Not Interested' in 2020 Vote". Voa News. 30 April 2020.
- "The United States is 'looking at' banning TikTok and other Chinese social media apps, Pompeo says". CNN. Retrieved 7 July 2020.
- "TikTok files complaint against Trump administration to try to block U.S. ban". CNBC. 19 September 2020. Retrieved 19 September 2020.
- Rogers K, Jakes L, Swanson A (18 March 2020). "Trump Defends Using 'Chinese Virus' Label, Ignoring Growing Criticism". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 20 March 2020. Retrieved 20 March 2020.
- "Republicans are using racism against China to try to distract from Trump's disastrous coronavirus response". Business Insider. 20 March 2020.
- "Relations between China and America are infected with coronavirus". The Economist. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 30 March 2020.
- "Chinese diplomat promotes conspiracy theory that US military brought coronavirus to Wuhan". CNN. 14 March 2020.
- "China spins tale that the US Army started the coronavirus epidemic". The New York Times. 13 March 2020.
- Banco E (21 March 2020). "White House Pushes U.S. Officials to Criticize China For Coronavirus 'Cover-Up'". The Daily Beast. Retrieved 3 April 2020.
- Mazzetti M, Barnes JE, Wong E, Goldman A (30 April 2020). "Trump Officials Are Said to Press Spies to Link Virus and Wuhan Labs". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 6 May 2020.
- "C.I.A. Hunts for Authentic Virus Totals in China, Dismissing Government Tallies". The New York Times. 2 April 2020.
- "China is winning the coronavirus propaganda war". Politico. 18 March 2020.
- "China Is Fighting the Coronavirus Propaganda War to Win". Foreign Policy. 20 March 2020.
- Lau S (24 March 2020). "EU fires warning shot at China in coronavirus battle of the narratives". South China Morning Post.
- "Governments reject Chinese-made equipment". BBC News. 30 March 2020.
- "China calls for the lifting of sanctions against Syria to fight coronavirus". Middle East Monitor. 1 April 2020. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- "China hints Venezuela aid, IMF pans request: Update". Argus Media. 18 March 2020. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- "China urges U.S. to lift sanctions on Iran amid coronavirus response". Reuters. 16 March 2020. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- "Venezuela's Coronavirus Response Might Surprise You". Common Dreams. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- "U.S. continues sanctions against Iran and Venezuela during coronavirus pandemic". Salon. 18 March 2020. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- "Cuba: US embargo blocks coronavirus aid shipment from Asia". AP NEWS. 3 April 2020. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- Eilperin, Juliet; Stein, Jeff; Butler, Desmond; Hamburger, Tom (18 April 2020). "U.S. sent millions of face masks to China early this year, ignoring pandemic warning signs". The Washington Post. Retrieved 24 June 2020.
- Ferek, Katy Stech; Zumbrun, Josh (12 April 2020). "U.S. Tariffs Hamper Imports of Sanitizer, Disinfectants, Some Companies Say". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 24 June 2020.
- Yellinek, Roie (31 August 2020). "US Attitudes Toward China in the Wake of the Coronavirus". Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies. Retrieved 7 September 2020.
- Gladstone, Rick (22 September 2020). "Trump Demands U.N. Hold China to Account for Coronavirus Pandemic". The New York Times. Retrieved 22 September 2020.
- Chang, Gordon H. Fateful Ties: A History of America's Preoccupation with China. (Harvard UP, 2015). excerpt
- Cohen, Warren I. America's Response to China: A History of Sino-American Relations (5th ed. 2010)
- Dulles, Foster Rhea. China and America: The Story of Their Relations Since 1784 (1981), general survey
- Green, Michael J. By more than providence: Grand strategy and American power in the Asia Pacific since 1783 (Columbia UP, 2017). online
- Hunt, Michael H. "Americans in the China Market: Economic Opportunities and Economic Nationalism, 1890s-1931." Business History Review 51.3 (1977): 277–307. online
- Jackson, Carl T. “The Influence of Asia upon American Thought: A Bibliographical Essay.” American Studies International 22#1 (1984), pp. 3–31, online covers China, India & Japan
- Matray, James I. ed. East Asia and the United States: An Encyclopedia of relations since 1784 (2 vol. Greenwood, 2002). excerpt v 2
- Pomfret, John. The Beautiful Country and the Middle Kingdom: America and China, 1776 to the Present (2016) review
- Schaller, Michael. The United States and China: Into the Twenty-First Century 4th ed 2015)
- Song, Yuwu, ed. Encyclopedia of Chinese-American Relations (McFarland, 2006)
- Spence, Jonathan D. To Change China: Western Advisers in China (1980) excerpt
- Spence, Jonathan. "Western Perceptions of China from the Late Sixteenth Century to the Present" in Paul S. Ropp, ed.Heritage of China: Contemporary Perspectives on Chinese Civilization (1990) excerpts
- Sutter, Robert G. Historical Dictionary of United States-China Relations (2005).
- Varg, Paul A. "Sino‐American Relations Past and Present." Diplomatic History 4.2 (1980): 101–112. online
- Wang, Dong. The United States and China: A History from the Eighteenth Century to the Present (2013)
- Westad, Odd Arne. Decisive encounters: the Chinese civil war, 1946-1950 (Stanford University Press, 2003). excerpt
- Blanchard, Jean-Marc F., and Simon Shen, eds. Conflict and Cooperation in Sino-US Relations: Change and Continuity, Causes and Cures (Routledge, 2015)
- Brazinsky, Gregg A. Winning the Third World: Sino-American Rivalry during the Cold War (U of North Carolina Press, 2017); four online reviews & author response Archived 13 May 2018 at the Wayback Machine
- Chang, Gordon H. Friends and Enemies: The United States, China, and the Soviet Union, 1948–1972 (Stanford UP, 1990).
- DeLisle, Jacques. "International law in the Obama administration's pivot to Asia: the China seas disputes, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, rivalry with the PRC, and status quo legal norms in US foreign policy." Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law 48 (2016): 143+ online.
- Dulles, Foster Rhea. American policy toward Communist China, 1949-1969 (1972) online free to borrow
- Dumbaugh, Kerry. "China-U.S. relations: current issues and implications for U.S. policy." (Congressional Research Service (CRS) Reports and Issue Briefs, Congressional Research Service, 2009) online
- Fenby, Jonathan and Trey McArver. The Eagle and the Dragon: Donald Trump, Xi Jinping and the Fate of US/China Relations (2019)
- Foot, Rosemary. The practice of power: US relations with China since 1949 (Oxford UP, 1995). online
- Foot, Rosemary, and Amy King. "Assessing the deterioration in China–US relations: US governmental perspectives on the economic-security nexus." China International Strategy Review 1.1 (2019): 39–50. online
- Foot, Rosemary; Walter, Andrew (2012). China, the United States, and Global Order. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521725194.
- Fravel, M. Taylor. Active Defense: China's Military Strategy since 1949 (Princeton UP, 2019) online reviews
- Friedberg, Aaron L. (2011). A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia. W.W. Norton. ISBN 9780393068283.
- Garson, Robert. "The Road to Tiananmen Square: The United States and China, 1979-1989" Journal of Oriental Studies .ISSN: 0022-331X (1992) 30#1/2 pp. 119–135
- Garver, John W. China's Quest: The History of the Foreign Relations of the People's Republic (2015), 59–91, 232–58, 286–314, 557–578. 607–673.
- Goldstein, Avery (Spring 2013). "First things first: the pressing danger of crisis instability in US-China relations". International Security. 37 (4): 49–89. doi:10.1162/ISEC_a_00114. S2CID 53549478. Pdf.
- Hilsman, Roger. To move a nation; the politics of foreign policy in the administration of John F. Kennedy (1967) pp 275–357. on 1961–63.
- Hu, XueYing. "Legacy of Tiananmen Square Incident in Sino-US Relations (post-2000)." East Asia 33.3 (2016): 213–232. abstract
- Isaacs, Harold R. Scratches on Our Minds: American Images of China and India (1958) online
- Kissinger, Henry. On China (2011) excerpt
- Li, Cheng. "Assessing US-China Relations Under the Obama Administration" (The Brookings Institution, 30 August 2016) online
- MacMillan, Margaret. Nixon and Mao: the week that changed the world (2008).
- Mahbubani, Kishore, "What China Threat? How the United States and China can avoid war", Harper's Magazine, vol. 338, no. 2025 (February 2019), pp. 39–44. "China could... remain a different polity—... not a liberal democracy—and still not be a threatening one." (p. 44.)
- Mann, Jim. About face: A history of America's curious relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (Knopf, 1999)
- Mastanduno, Michael. "A grand strategic transition?: Obama, Trump and the Asia Pacific political economy." in The United States in the Indo-Pacific (Manchester UP, 2020) online.
- Meltzer, Joshua P. "The U.S.-China trade agreement – a huge deal for China." Brookings (2017) online
- Rich, Wilbur C. ed. Looking Back on President Barack Obama's Legacy: Hope and Change (2018) excerpt
- Roach, Stephen S. Unbalanced: the codependency of America and China (Yale UP, 2015).
- Roberts, Priscilla. "New Perspectives on Cold War History from China," Diplomatic History 41:2 (April 2017) online
- Rose, Robert S. et al. Re-examining the Cold War: U.S.-China Diplomacy, 1954–1973 (2002)
- Shambaugh, David, ed. (2012). Tangled Titans: The United States and China. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1442219700.
- Schmitt, Gary J. "The China Dream: America's, China's, and the Resulting Competition." AEI Paper & Studies (American Enterprise Institute, 2019), p. 1J+. online
- Schoen, Douglas E. and Melik Kaylan. Return to Winter: Russia, China, and the New Cold War Against America (2015)
- Steinberg, James, and Michael E. O'Hanlon, eds. Strategic Reassurance and Resolve: US-China Relations in the Twenty-First Century (Princeton UP, 2014).
- Suettinger, Robert. Beyond Tiananmen: The Politics of US-China Relations, 1989–2000 (Brookings Institution Press, 2004).
- Wang, Dong. "Grand Strategy, Power Politics, and China's Policy toward the United States in the 1960s," Diplomatic History 42:1 (April 2017): 265–287;
- Westad, Odd Arne, "The Sources of Chinese Conduct: Are Washington and Beijing Fighting a New Cold War?", Foreign Affairs, 98#5 (September / October 2019), pp. 86–95. "If some unifying factor does not intervene, the decline in the United States' ability to act purposefully will, sooner than most people imagine, mean not just a multipolar world but an unruly world – one in which fear, hatred, and ambition hold everyone hostage to the basest instincts of the human imagination." (p. 95.) online
- Wheeler, Norton. Role of American NGOs in China's Modernization: Invited Influence (Routledge, 2014) 240 pp. online review
- Xia, Yafeng and Zhi Liang. "China's Diplomacy toward the United States in the Twentieth Century: A Survey of the Literature," Diplomatic History 42:1 (April 2017): 241–264.
- Yan, Xuetong (Autumn 2010). "The instability of China–US relations". The Chinese Journal of International Politics. 3 (3): 263–92. doi:10.1093/cjip/poq009. S2CID 154460100.
- Yim, Kwan Ha. China and the US: 1955-63 (1973). online
- Yim, Kwan Ha. China 1964-72 (1975). online
- Yim, Kwan Ha. China since Mao (1980) pp 129–60 online
- Zhang, Biwu. Chinese Perceptions of the U.S.: An Exploration of China's Foreign Policy Motivations (Lexington Books; 2012) 266 pages; Chinese views of America's power, politics, and economics, as well as the country as a source of threat or opportunity.
- Zhao, Quansheng (December 2005). "America's response to the rise of China and Sino‐US relations". Asian Journal of Political Science. 13 (2): 1–27. doi:10.1080/02185370508434256. S2CID 155081636.
- Brazinsky, Gregg. "The Birth of a Rivalry: Sino-American Relations During the Truman Administration" in Daniel S. Margolies, ed. A Companion to Harry S. Truman (2012) pp 484–497; emphasis on historiography.
- Sutter, Robert. "The Importance of the 'pan-Asian' versus the 'China-first' Emphasis in US Policy toward China, 1969-2008: A Review of the Literature." American Journal of Chinese Studies (2009): 1–18.
- Sutter, Robert. "US Domestic Debate Over Policy Toward Mainland China and Taiwan: Key Findings, Outlook and Lessons." American Journal of Chinese Studies (2001): 133–144.
- Zhu Yongtao. "American Studies in China" American Studies International 25#2 (1987) pp. 3–19 online
- Jeffrey A. Engel, ed. (2011), "The Making of a Global President", The China Diary of George H. W. Bush: The Making of a Global President, Princeton UP, ISBN 978-1400829613, JSTOR j.ctt7stg8CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
- May, Ernest R. ed. The Truman Administration and China 1945–1949 (1975) summary plus primary sources. online
China White Paper 1949Edit
- Lyman Van Slyke, ed. The China White Paper: August 1949 (1967: 2 vol. Stanford U.P.); 1124 pp.; copy of official U.S. Department of State. China White Paper: 1949 vol 1 online at Google; online vol 1 pdf; vol 1 consists of history; vol 2 consists of primary sources and is not online; see library holdings via World Cat
- excerpts appear in Barton Bernstein and Allen J. Matusow, eds. The Truman Administration: A Documentary History (1966) pp. 299–355