The Cambodian genocide (Khmer: របបប្រល័យពូជសាសន៍នៅកម្ពុជា) was the systematic persecution and killing of Cambodians by the Khmer Rouge under the leadership of Communist Party of Kampuchea general secretary Pol Pot, who radically pushed Cambodia towards an entirely self-sufficient agrarian socialist society. It resulted in the deaths of 1.5 to 2 million people from 1975 to 1979, nearly a quarter of Cambodia's 1975 population (c. 7.8 million).
|Part of the Cold War and Khmer Rouge rule of Cambodia|
|Date||17 April 1975 – 7 January 1979 (3 years, 8 months and 20 days)|
|Target||Cambodia's previous military and political leadership, business leaders, journalists, students, doctors, lawyers, Buddhists, Chams, Muslims, Chinese Cambodians, Christians, intellectuals, Vietnamese Cambodians|
|Genocide, classicide, politicide, ethnic cleansing, extrajudicial killings, torture, famine, forced labor, human experimentation, forced disappearances, deportation, crimes against humanity, Communist terrorism|
|Deaths||1.5 to 2 million|
|Motive||Khmer ultranationalism, agrarian socialism, State atheism, anti-intellectualism, racism, xenophobia, Year Zero|
Pol Pot and Khmer Rouge had long been supported by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its chairman, Mao Zedong;[a] it is estimated that at least 90% of the foreign aid which the Khmer Rouge received came from China, and in 1975 alone, at least US$1 billion in interest-free economic and military aid came from China. After it seized power in April 1975, the Khmer Rouge wanted to turn the country into an agrarian socialist republic, founded on the policies of ultra-Maoism and influenced by the Cultural Revolution.[b] Pol Pot and other Khmer Rouge officials met with Mao in Beijing in June 1975, receiving approval and advice, while high-ranking CCP officials such as CCP Politburo Standing Committee member Zhang Chunqiao later visited Cambodia to offer help.[c] To fulfill its goals, the Khmer Rouge emptied the cities and forced Cambodians to relocate to labor camps in the countryside, where mass executions, forced labor, physical abuse, malnutrition, and disease were rampant. In 1976, the Khmer Rouge renamed the country Democratic Kampuchea.
The massacres ended when the Vietnamese military invaded in 1978 and toppled the Khmer Rouge regime. By January 1979, 1.5 to 2 million people had died due to the Khmer Rouge's policies, including 200,000–300,000 Chinese Cambodians, 90,000 Muslims, and 20,000 Vietnamese Cambodians. 20,000 people passed through the Security Prison 21, one of the 196 prisons the Khmer Rouge operated, and only seven adults survived. The prisoners were taken to the Killing Fields, where they were executed (often with pickaxes, to save bullets) and buried in mass graves. Abduction and indoctrination of children was widespread, and many were persuaded or forced to commit atrocities. As of 2009, the Documentation Center of Cambodia has mapped 23,745 mass graves containing approximately 1.3 million suspected victims of execution. Direct execution is believed to account for up to 60% of the genocide's death toll, with other victims succumbing to starvation, exhaustion, or disease.
The genocide triggered a second outflow of refugees, many of whom escaped to neighboring Thailand and, to a lesser extent, Vietnam. The Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia ended the genocide by defeating the Khmer Rouge in January 1979. On 2 January 2001, the Cambodian government established the Khmer Rouge Tribunal to try the members of the Khmer Rouge leadership responsible for the Cambodian genocide. Trials began on 17 February 2009. On 7 August 2014, Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan were convicted and received life sentences for crimes against humanity committed during the genocide.
Rise of the Khmer RougeEdit
Cambodian Civil WarEdit
In 1968, the Khmer Rouge officially launched a nation-wide insurgency across Cambodia. Even though the government of North Vietnam had not been informed of the Khmer Rouge's decision, its forces provided shelter and weapons to the Khmer Rouge after the insurgency began. North Vietnamese support for the Khmer Rouge's insurgency made it impossible for the Cambodian military to effectively counter it. For the next two years, the insurgency grew because Norodom Sihanouk did very little to stop it. As the insurgency grew in strength, the party openly declared itself to be the Communist Party of Kampuchea.
Sihanouk was removed as head of state in 1970. Premier Lon Nol deposed him with the support of the National Assembly, establishing the pro-United States Khmer Republic. On the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)'s advice, Sihanouk, who was in exile in Beijing, formed an alliance with the Khmer Rouge, and became the nominal head of a Khmer Rouge–dominated government-in-exile (known by its French acronym, GRUNK) backed by China. Although thoroughly aware of the weakness of Lon Nol's forces and loath to commit American military force to the new conflict in any form other than air power, the Nixon administration announced its support for the new Khmer Republic.
On 29 March 1970, North Vietnam launched an offensive against the Cambodian army. Documents which were uncovered from the Soviet Union's archives reveal that the invasion was launched at the Khmer Rouge's explicit request after negotiations were held with Nuon Chea. A North Vietnamese force quickly overran large parts of eastern Cambodia reaching within 15 miles (24 km) of Phnom Penh before being pushed back. By June, three months after Sihanouk's removal, they had swept government forces from the entire northeastern third of the country. After defeating those forces, the North Vietnamese turned the newly won territories over to the local insurgents. The Khmer Rouge also established "liberated" areas in the south and the southwestern parts of the country, where they operated independently of the North Vietnamese.
After Sihanouk demonstrated his support for the Khmer Rouge by visiting them in the field, their ranks swelled from 6,000 to 50,000 fighters. Many of the Khmer Rouge's new recruits were apolitical peasants who fought in support of the king, rather than communism, of which they had little understanding.
By 1975, with Lon Nol's government running out of ammunition due to its loss of U.S. support, it was clear that it was only a matter of time before it would collapse. On 17 April 1975, the Khmer Rouge captured Phnom Penh and ended the civil war. Estimates for total civil war deaths vary. Sihanouk used a figure of 600,000 civil war deaths, while Elizabeth Becker reported over a million civil war deaths, military and civilian included; other researchers were unable to corroborate such high estimates. Marek Sliwinski notes that many estimates of the dead are open to question and may have been used for propaganda, suggesting that the true number lies between 240,000 and 310,000. Judith Banister and E. Paige Johnson described 275,000 war deaths as "the highest mortality that we can justify". Patrick Heuveline states that "Subsequent reevaluations of the demographic data situated the death toll for the [civil war] in the order of 300,000 or less".
United States bombingEdit
From 1970 to 1973 a massive United States bombing campaign against the Khmer Rouge devastated rural Cambodia. An earlier U.S. bombing campaign of Cambodia actually started on 18 March 1969 with Operation Breakfast, but U.S. bombing in Cambodia started years earlier than that.
The number of Cambodian civilian and Khmer Rouge deaths caused by U.S. bombing is disputed and difficult to disentangle from the broader Cambodian Civil War. Estimates range from 30,000 to 500,000. Sliwinski estimates that approximately 17% of total civil war deaths can be attributed to U.S. bombing, noting that this is far behind the leading causes of death, as the U.S. bombing was concentrated in underpopulated border areas. Ben Kiernan attributes 50,000 to 150,000 deaths to the U.S. bombing.
The relationship between the United States' massive bombing of Cambodia and the growth of the Khmer Rouge in recruitment and popular support has been a matter of interest to historians. Some scholars, including Michael Ignatieff, Adam Jones and Greg Grandin, have cited the United States intervention and bombing campaign from 1965 to 1973 as a significant factor that led to increased support for the Khmer Rouge among the Cambodian peasantry. According to Ben Kiernan, the Khmer Rouge "would not have won power without U.S. economic and military destabilization of Cambodia. ... It used the bombing's devastation and massacre of civilians as recruitment propaganda and as an excuse for its brutal, radical policies and its purge of moderate communists and Sihanoukists."
Pol Pot biographer David P. Chandler writes that the bombing "had the effect the Americans wanted—it broke the Communist encirclement of Phnom Penh", but also accelerated the collapse of rural society and increased social polarization. Craig Etcheson agrees that U.S. intervention increased recruitment for the Khmer Rouge but disputes that it was a primary cause of the Khmer Rouge victory. According to William Shawcross, the United States bombing and ground incursion plunged Cambodia into the chaos that Sihanouk had worked for years to avoid.
International support for the Khmer RougeEdit
Since the 1950s, Pol Pot had made frequent visits to the People's Republic of China, where he received political and military training—especially on the theory of the Dictatorship of the proletariat—from the personnel of the CCP. From November 1965 to February 1966, high-ranking CCP officials such as Chen Boda and Zhang Chunqiao trained him on topics such as the communist revolution in China, class conflicts, Communist International, etc. Pol Pot also met with other officials, including Deng Xiaoping and Peng Zhen. He was particularly impressed by Kang Sheng's lecture on how to conduct a political purge.
In 1970, Lon Nol overthrew Sihanouk, and the latter fled to Beijing, where Pol Pot was also visiting. On the advice of the CCP, the Khmer Rouge changed its position, and in order to support Sihanouk, it established the National United Front of Kampuchea. In 1970 alone, the Chinese reportedly gave the United Front 400 tons of military aid. In April 1974, Sihanouk and Khmer Rouge leaders Ieng Sary and Khieu Samphan met with Mao in Beijing; Mao supported the policies which the Khmer Rouge proposed, but he did not want the Khmer Rouge to marginalize Sihanouk after they won the civil war and established a new Cambodia.
In June 1975, Pol Pot and other Khmer Rouge officials met with Mao Zedong in Beijing, where Mao lectured Pol Pot on his "Theory of Continuing Revolution under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat（无产阶级专政下继续革命理论)", recommending two articles which were written by Yao Wenyuan and sending Pol Pot over 30 books which were authored by Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin, and Joseph Stalin as gifts. During this meeting, Mao said to Pol Pot:
We agree with you! Much of your experience is better than ours. China is not qualified to criticize you. We committed errors of the political routes for ten times in fifty years—some are national, some are local…Thus I say China has no qualification to criticize you but to applaud you. You are basically correct…During the transition from the democratic revolution to adopting a socialist path, there exist two possibilities: one is socialism, the other is capitalism. Our situation now is like this. Fifty years from now, or one hundred years from now, the struggle between two lines will exist. Even ten thousand years from now, the struggle between two lines will still exist. When Communism is realized, the struggle between two lines will still be there. Otherwise, you are not a Marxist ... . Our state now is, as Lenin said, a capitalist state without capitalists. This state protects capitalist rights, and the wages are not equal. Under the slogan of equality, a system of inequality has been introduced. There will exist a struggle between two lines, the struggle between the advanced and the backward, even when Communism is realized. Today we cannot explain it completely.
Pol Pot replied: "The issue of lines of struggle raised by Chairman Mao is an important strategic issue. We will follow your words in the future. I have read and learned various works of Chairman Mao since I was young, especially the theory on people's war. Your works have guided our entire party." On the other hand, during another meeting in August 1975, Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai warned Sihanouk as well as Khmer Rouge leaders including Khieu Samphan and Ieng Sary of the danger of radical movement towards communism, citing the mistakes in China's own Great Leap Forward. Zhou urged them not to repeat the mistakes that had caused havoc. Sihanouk later recalled that Khieu Samphan and Ieng Thirith responded only with "an incredulous and superior smile".
During the genocide, China was the Khmer Rouge's main international patron, supplying "more than 15,000 military advisers" and most of its external aid. It is estimated that at least 90% of foreign aid to Khmer Rouge came from China, with 1975 alone seeing US$1 billion in interest-free economics and military aid, "the biggest aid ever given to any one country by China." A series of internal crises in 1976 prevented Beijing from exerting substantial influence over Khmer Rouge policies.
After Mao's death in September 1976, China went through around two years of transition until Deng Xiaoping became its new paramount leader in December 1978. During the transition period, Pol Pot made an official visit to China in July 1977 and he was welcomed by chairman Hua Guofeng and other high-ranking CCP officials, with the People's Daily calling him the "Comrade from Cambodia"（柬埔寨战友). Pot also toured around the agricultural production model of Dazhai, a product of Mao's era. Chen Yonggui, Vice Premier of China and the leader of Dazhai, visited Cambodia in December 1977, commending the achievement of its movement towards communism.
In 1978, Son Sen, a Khmer Rouge leader and the Minister of National Defense of Democratic Kampuchea, visited China and obtained its approval for military aid. In the same year, high-ranking CCP officials such as Wang Dongxing and Deng Yingchao visited Cambodia to offer support.
Soon after Deng became the Paramount Leader of China, the Vietnamese invaded Cambodia and ended the genocide by defeating the Khmer Rouge in January 1979. The People's Republic of Kampuchea was then established. In order to counter the power of Soviet Union and Vietnam in Southeast Asia, China officially condemned the Vietnamese invasion and continued its material support to Khmer Rouge. In early 1979, China launched an invasion of Vietnam to retaliate against Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia.
Deng was convinced by a conversation with Singapore's prime minister Lee Kuan Yew to limit the scale and duration of the war. Following the one-month war, Singapore attempted to serve as a mediator between Vietnam and China on the Cambodian issue.
As a result of Chinese and Western opposition to the Vietnamese invasion of 1978 and 1979, the Khmer Rouge continued to hold Cambodia's United Nations (UN) seat until 1982, after which the seat was filled by a Khmer Rouge-dominated coalition which was known as the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK). Motivated by its opposition to Vietnam, China trained Khmer Rouge soldiers on its soil from 1979 to at least 1986, "stationed military advisers with Khmer Rouge troops as late as 1990," and "supplied at least $1 billion in military aid" during the 1980s.
After the 1991 Paris Peace Accords, Thailand continued to allow the Khmer Rouge "to trade and move across the Thai border to sustain their activities ... although international criticism, particularly from the United States and Australia ... caused it to disavow passing any direct military support." There are also allegations that the United States directly or indirectly supported the Khmer Rouge because it wanted to weaken Vietnam's influence in Southeast Asia. Owing to the support from China, the U.S., and some Western countries, the CGDK held Cambodia's UN seat until 1993, long after the Cold War had ended.
Ideology played an important role in the genocide. Pol Pot was influenced by Marxism–Leninism and he wanted to transform Cambodia into an entirely self-sufficient agrarian socialist society that would be free from foreign influences. Stalin's work has been described as a "crucial formative influence" on his thought. Also heavily influential was Mao's work, particularly On New Democracy. Jean-Jacques Rousseau was one of his favorite authors, according to historian David Chandler (1992, p. 32). In the mid-1960s, Pol Pot reformulated his ideas about Marxism–Leninism to suit the Cambodian situation with goals such as bringing Cambodia back to an alleged mythic past of the powerful Khmer Empire, eradicating corrupting influences, such as foreign aid and Western culture, and restoring Cambodia's agrarian society.
Pol Pot's strong belief that Cambodia needed to be transformed into an agrarian utopia stemmed from his experience in Cambodia's rural northeast—where he developed an affinity for the agrarian self-sufficiency of the area's isolated tribes—while the Khmer Rouge gained power. Attempts to implement these goals (formed upon the observations of small, rural communes) into a larger society were key factors in the ensuing genocide. One Khmer Rouge leader said that the killings were meant for the "purification of the populace." The Khmer Rouge virtually forced Cambodia's entire population to divide itself into mobile work teams. Michael Hunt has written that it was "an experiment in social mobilization unmatched in twentieth-century revolutions." The Khmer Rouge used an inhumane forced labor regime, starvation, forced resettlement, land collectivization, and state terror to keep the population in line. The Khmer Rouge's economic plan was aptly named the "Maha Lout Ploh", a direct allusion to the "Great Leap Forward" of China that caused tens of millions of deaths in the Great Chinese Famine.
A doctoral dissertation written by Kenneth M. Quinn about the "origins of the radical Pol Pot regime" is "widely acknowledged as the first person to report on the genocidal policies of Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge." While he was employed as a Foreign Service Officer for the U.S. State Department in Southeast Asia, Quinn was stationed at the South Vietnamese border for nine months between 1973–1974. While there, Quinn "interviewed countless Cambodian refugees who had escaped the brutal clutches of the Khmer Rouge." Based upon the compiled interviews and the atrocities he witnessed firsthand, Quinn wrote "a 40-page report about it, which was submitted throughout the U.S. government." In the report, he wrote that the Khmer Rouge had "much in common with those of totalitarian regimes in Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union." Quinn has written of the Khmer Rouge that "[w]hat emerges as the explanation for the terror and violence that swept Cambodia during the 1970s is that a small group of alienated intellectuals, enraged by their perception of a totally corrupt society and imbued with a Maoist plan to create a pure socialist order in the shortest possible time, recruited extremely young, poor, and envious cadres, instructed them in harsh and brutal methods learned from Stalinist mentors, and used them to destroy physically the cultural underpinnings of the Khmer civilization and to impose a new society through purges, executions, and violence."
Ben Kiernan has compared the Cambodian genocide to the Armenian genocide which was perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire during World War I and the Holocaust which was perpetrated by Nazi Germany during World War II. While each genocide was unique, they shared certain common features, and racism was a major part of the ideology of all three regimes. All three regimes targeted religious minorities and they also tried to use force in order to expand their rule into what they believed were their historic heartlands (the Khmer Empire, Turkestan, and Lebensraum, respectively), and all three regimes "idealized their ethnic peasantry as the true 'national' class, the ethnic soil from which the new state grew."
The Khmer Rouge regime frequently arrested and often executed anyone who it suspected of having connections with the former Cambodian government or foreign governments, as well as professionals, intellectuals, the Buddhist monkhood, and ethnic minorities. Even those people who were stereotypically thought of as having intellectual qualities, such as wearing glasses or speaking multiple languages, were executed out of fear that they would rebel against the Khmer Rouge. As a result, Pol Pot has been described as "a genocidal tyrant" by journalists and historians such as William Branigin. The British sociologist Martin Shaw described the Cambodian genocide as "the purest genocide of the Cold War era". The attempt to purify Cambodian society along racial, social and political lines led to purges of Cambodia's previous military and political leadership, along with business leaders, journalists, students, doctors, and lawyers.
Ethnic Vietnamese, ethnic Thai, ethnic Chinese, ethnic Cham, Cambodian Christians, and other minorities were also targeted. The Khmer Rouge forcibly relocated minority groups and banned their languages. By decree, the Khmer Rouge banned the existence of more than 20 minority groups, which constituted 15% of Cambodia's population.
While Cambodians in general were victims of the Khmer Rouge regime, the persecution, torture, and killings committed by the Khmer Rouge are considered an act of genocide according to the United Nations as ethnic and religious minorities were systematically targeted by Pol Pot and his regime.
Scholars and historians have varying opinions on whether the persecution and killings under the hands of the Khmer Rouge should be considered genocide. This is because the earlier scholarship which came about right after the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime in 1979 had claimed that the victims could have been killed due to the circumstances they were in. For instance, Michael Vickery opined that the killings were "largely the result of the spontaneous excesses of a vengeful, undisciplined peasant army."
This view was also supported by Alexander Hinton, who related an account by a former Khmer Rouge cadre who claimed that the killings were acts of retribution for the injustices of the Lon Nol soldiers when they killed people who were known to be former Viet Minh agents before the rise of Pol Pot and Khmer Rouge to power. Vickery—erroneously, as maintained by the more recent scholarship of Ben Kiernan—argued that the number of Cham victims during the Khmer Rouge regime to be around 20,000 which would rule out the crime of genocide against Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge. The killings were a centralized and bureaucratic effort by the Khmer Rouge regime, as recently documented by the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) through the discovery of Khmer Rouge internal security documents which instructed the killings across Cambodia. However there were also instances of "indiscipline and spontaneity in the mass killings." On top of that, Etcherson has also maintained that with the systematic mass killings based on political affiliation, ethnicity, religion, and citizenship resulting in the loss of a third of the Cambodian population, the Khmer Rouge is effectively guilty of committing genocide.
David Chandler has argued that, although ethnic minorities fell victim to the Khmer Rouge regime, they were not targeted specifically because of their ethnic backgrounds, but rather because they were mostly enemies of the regime. Chandler also rejects the use of the terms "chauvinism" and "genocide" just to avoid drawing possible parallels to Hitler. This indicates that Chandler does not believe in the argument of charging the Khmer Rouge regime with the crime of genocide. Similarly, Michael Vickery holds a similar position to Chandler’s, and refuses to acknowledge the atrocities of the Khmer Rouge regime as genocide; Vickery regarded the Khmer Rouge a "chauvinist" regime, due to its anti-Vietnam and anti-religion policies. Stephen Heder also conceded that the Khmer Rouge were not guilty of genocide, stating that the atrocities of the regime were not motivated by race.
Ben Kiernan makes the argument that it was indeed a genocide and disagrees with these three scholars, by bringing forth examples from the history of the Cham people in Cambodia, as did an international tribunal finding Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan guilty 92 and 87 counts of said crime respectively.
The Khmer Rouge initially ordered the expulsion of ethnic Vietnamese from Cambodia but then conducted large scale massacres of large numbers of Vietnamese civilians who were being deported out of Cambodia. The regime then prevented the remaining 20,000 ethnic Vietnamese from fleeing, and much of this group was also executed. The Khmer Rouge also used the media to support their goals of genocide. Radio Phnom Penh called on Cambodians to "exterminate the 50 million Vietnamese."
Additionally, the Khmer Rouge conducted many cross-border raids into Vietnam where they slaughtered an estimated 30,000 Vietnamese civilians. Most notably, during the Ba Chúc massacre in April 1978, the Khmer Rouge military crossed the border and entered the village, slaughtering 3,157 Vietnamese civilians at once. This forced an urgent response from the Vietnamese government, precipitating the Cambodian–Vietnamese War in which the Khmer Rouge was ultimately defeated.
The state of the Chinese Cambodians during the Khmer Rouge regime was alleged to be "the worst disaster ever to befall any ethnic Chinese community in Southeast Asia." Cambodians of Chinese descent were massacred by the Khmer Rouge under the justification that they "used to exploit the Cambodian people". The Chinese were stereotyped as traders and moneylenders associated with capitalism, while historically the group had attracted resentment due to their lighter skin color and cultural differences. Hundreds of Cham, Chinese and Khmer families were rounded up in 1978 and told that they were to be resettled, but were actually executed.
At the beginning of the Khmer Rouge regime in 1975, there were 425,000 ethnic Chinese in Cambodia. By the end of 1979 there were just 200,000 stuck at Thai refugee camps or Cambodia. 170,000 Chinese fled Cambodia to Vietnam while others were repatriated. The Chinese were predominantly city-dwellers, making them vulnerable to the Khmer Rouge's revolutionary ruralism and evacuation of city residents to farms. The government of the People's Republic of China did not protest the killings of ethnic Chinese in Cambodia as they were probably unaware of the situation.
According to Ben Kiernan, the "fiercest extermination campaign was directed against the ethnic Chams, Cambodia's Muslim minority." Islam was seen as an "alien" and "foreign" culture that did not belong in the new Communist system. Initially, the Khmer Rouge aimed for the "forced assimilation" of Chams through population dispersal. Pol Pot then began using intimidation efforts against the Chams that included the assassination of village elders but he ultimately ordered the full-scale mass killing of the Cham people. American professor Samuel Totten and Australian professor Paul R. Bartrop estimate that these efforts would have completely wiped out the Cham population were it not for the overthrow of the Khmer Rouge in 1979.
The Cham began to rise in prominence through joining the communists as early as the 1950s, with a Cham elder, Sos Man joined the Indochina Communist Party and rose through the ranks to become a major in the Party’s forces. He then returned home to the Eastern Zone in 1970 and joined the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK), and co-established the Eastern Zone Islamic Movement with his son, Mat Ly. Together, they became the mouthpiece of the CPK to get the Cham people to take part in the revolution. Sos Man’s Islamic Movement was also tolerated by CPK’s leadership between 1970–1975. The Chams were gradually made to abandon their faith and distinct practices as early as 1972 in the Southwest.
Ten Cham villages were taken over by the CPK in 1972–1973, where new Cham leaders were instated and led the villagers to work in the fields away from their hometowns. A witness interviewed by Kiernan asserts that they were well-treated by the CPK then, and allowed to return to their homes in 1974. Moreover, the Cham were classified as "depositee base people", making them further vulnerable to persecution. Despite that, the Cham in many areas do live side by side with the locals, speaking the Khmer language, and even inter-marrying with the majority Khmers as well as the minority Chinese and Vietnamese. The diverse ethnic and cultural practices of Cambodians began to deteriorate with the rise of the CPK in 1972, when the Cham were prohibited from practising their faith and culture: Cham women were required to keep their hair short like the Khmers; Cham men were not allowed to put on the sarong; farmers were made to put on rudimentary dark or black clothing; religious activities like the mandatory daily prayers were curbed. Vickery notes that the Cambodian Cham were discriminated against by the Khmer before the beginning of the war "in some localities", partly because the Cham were stereotyped as being practitioners of black magic. In other localities, the Cham were well-assimilated within the host communities, speaking the Khmer language and marrying Khmers, Vietnamese, and the Chinese.
Between 1972 and 1974, the enforcement of such restrictions was further amplified as the Khmer Rouge found the Cham to be a threat to its communist agenda due to their unique language, culture, belief, and independent communal system. Not only that, the Cham were renamed "Islamic Khmers" to disassociate them with their ancestral heritage and ethnicity and assimilate them into the larger Khmer-dominated Democratic Kampuchea. The Khmer Rouge believed that the Cham would jeopardize the communist efforts of establishing close-knit communities where everyone could be easily monitored. As such, the regime had decided to disperse the Cham by deporting them from their respective localities to work as peasants across Cambodia, hence contributing directly to the new DK economy. This move was undertaken to ensure that the Cham will not congregate to form its own community again, which undermines the regime’s plan of establishing central economic cooperatives. Slowly, those who defied these restrictions were arrested by the regime. Hence in October 1973, Cham Muslims in the Eastern Zone of DK demonstrated their displeasure towards the CPK restrictions by beating the drums—traditionally used to inform locals of the time for daily prayers—at local mosques. This act of communal defiance prompted the blanket arrest of many Cham Muslim leaders and religious teachers.
In February 1974, the Cham in Region 31, which is in the Western Zone of DK, protested the CPK policy which required the fishermen to register their daily catch with the local cooperative and sell them to the cooperative at a low price. At the same time, the locals were also made to buy those fishes from the cooperative at a higher price. This prompted the locals to confront the cooperative to express their discontent, only to be shot at, "killing and wounding more than 100", as one account put it. By December 1974, a rebellion by the Cham in Region 21 of the Eastern Zone had broken out against the CPK after community leaders were arrested. The rebellion was repressed forcefully by the regime with no records of casualties documented.
As much as there are records of these restrictions, resistance, and repressions, there were also accounts from the Cham community which deny the oppression by the regime between 1970 and early 1975. While restrictions on certain activities like trade and travel were in place during that period, they were understood to be by-products of the ongoing civil war. Moreover, some Cham had also joined the revolution as soldiers and members of the CPK. According to some local accounts, people had confidence in the Khmer Rouge when they first came to the village communities who assisted the locals with food and provisions, and there were no bans on local culture or religion; even if restrictions were imposed, the consequences were not harsh. The CPK were considered heroes of the revolution as they struggled for the cause of the peasantry and nation against the United States (Hinton, 2005:58). As the Cham communities were to be found across DK, various Cham communities might have experienced the effects of the CPK pre-1975 differently; some communities experienced the repressions and restrictions while others did not. Only when Pol Pot had consolidated power by the end of 1975 that the persecution became more severe and affected all of the Cham people indiscriminately. This could well be one of the simpler factors as to why the Cambodian government and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) do not prosecute the pre-1975 Khmer Rouge perpetrators before Pol Pot consolidated his power. As such, the accounts of those who experienced the repressions prior to 1975 were not considered to be part of the genocide as the case for a systematic annihilation of a people based on ethnic or religious profiling was not concrete enough.
In 1975, upon the victory of the CPK over the Khmer Republic forces, two brothers of Cham descent who had joined the Khmer Rouge as soldiers returned home to Region 21 within the Kampong Cham Province, where the largest Cham Muslim community could be found. The brothers then told their father of the adventures they had experienced being part of the revolution which included killing Khmers and consuming pork, in the hopes of convincing their father to join the communist cause. The father who had remained silent, was clearly not intrigued by the accounts related by his sons. Instead, he grabbed a cleaver, killed his sons, and told his fellow villagers that he had killed the enemy. When the villagers pointed out that he had indeed murdered his own sons, he recounted the stories he was told by his sons earlier, citing the Khmer Rouge’s hatred for Islam and the Cham people. This prompted a unanimous agreement amongst the villagers to kill all Khmer Rouge soldiers within the area on that night. The next morning, more Khmer Rouge forces descended the area with heavy weapons and surrounded the village, killing every single villager in it.
Similarly, in June or July 1975, the CPK authorities in Region 21 of the Eastern Zone tried to confiscate all copies of the Qur'an from the people, while at the same time impose a mandatory short haircut for Cham women. The authorities were met with mass demonstration staged by the local Cham community who were shot at by the regime soldiers. The Cham retaliated forcefully with swords and blades killing a few soldiers, only to be met with military reinforcement from the regime which annihilated the villagers and their properties. In another account by Cham refugees in Malaysia, thirteen leading figures within the Cham Muslim community were killed by the regime in June 1975. The reasons behind the killings was supposedly because some of them were "leading prayers instead of attending a CPK meeting", while the others were purportedly "petitioning for the permission on marriage ceremonies."
Events went from bad to worse in mid-1976 due to the rebellion, when the ethnic minorities were obliged to pledge loyalty only to the Khmer nationality and religion: there were to be no other identities besides Khmer. Consequently, the Cham language were not uttered, communal eating where everyone shares the same food became mandatory, forcing Cham Muslims to raise pigs and consume pork against their religious belief. One explanation for the rise of such rebellions offered by locals is that some of the Cham were involved in the Khmer Rouge as soldiers who were anticipating positions of power once Pol Pot consolidated power. In 1975, these soldiers were dismissed from the Khmer Rouge forces, deprived of their Islamic practices and robbed of their ethnic identity.
The patterns were consistent throughout the killings of the Cham people: first, the dismantling of the communal structure through the murder of Cham Muslim leaders, including muftis, imams, and other learned men of influence. Second, the dismantling of the Cham’s Islamic and ethnic identities by restricting practices that distinguished the Cham from the Khmers. Third, the dispersal of the Cham from their communities, either by forced labour in the fields or by arresting them for alleged plots of resistance or rebellion against the CPK. During the Khmer Rouge era, all religions, including Buddhism and Islam, were persecuted. According to Cham sources, 132 mosques were destroyed during the Khmer Rouge era, many others were desecrated, and Muslims were not allowed to worship. Muslims were forced to eat pork and murdered when they refused. Whole Cham villages were exterminated. Chams were not permitted to speak their language. Cham children were taken away from their parents and raised as Khmers. Orders given by the Khmer Rouge government in 1979 stated: "The Cham nation no longer exists on Kampuchean soil belonging to the Khmer. Accordingly, Cham nationality, language, customs and religious beliefs must be immediately abolished. Those who fail to obey this order will suffer all the consequences for their acts of opposition to Angkar."
After the end of Khmer Rouge rule all religions were restored. Vickery believes that about 185,000 Cham lived in Cambodia in the mid-1980s and that the number of mosques was about the same then as it was before 1975. In early 1988, there were six mosques in the Phnom Penh area and a "good number" in the provinces, but Muslim dignitaries were thinly stretched; only 20 of the previous 113 most prominent Cham clergy in Cambodia survived the Khmer Rouge period.
Under the leadership of Pol Pot, who was an ardent Marxist atheist, the Khmer Rouge enforced a policy of state atheism. According to Catherine Wessinger, "Democratic Kampuchea was officially an atheist state, and the persecution of religion by the Khmer Rouge was only matched in severity by the persecution of religion in the communist states of Albania (see Religion in communist Albania) and North Korea (see Freedom of religion in North Korea)." All religions were banned, and the repression of adherents of Islam, Christianity, and Buddhism was extensive. It is estimated that up to 50,000 Buddhist monks were massacred by the Khmer Rouge.
In 1978, in order to purge the Eastern Military Zone of those he perceived to have been contaminated by the Vietnamese, Pol Pot ordered military units from the Southwest Zone to move into eastern Kampuchea and eliminate the "hidden traitors". Unable to withstand an attack from the Kampuchea Government, So Phim committed suicide while his deputy Heng Samrin defected to Vietnam. The series of massacres in the Eastern Zone were the most serious of all of the massacres which took place during the Pol Pot regime's genocide.  It was described as a "massive and indiscriminate purges of party, army and people alike."
Use of childrenEdit
The Khmer Rouge exploited thousands of desensitized, conscripted children in their early teens to commit mass murder and other atrocities during and after the genocide. The indoctrinated children were taught to follow any order without hesitation.
The organization continued to use children extensively until at least 1998, often forcibly recruiting them. During this period, the children were deployed mainly in unpaid support roles, such as ammunition-carriers, and also as combatants. Many children had fled the Khmer Rouge without a means to feed themselves, and believed that joining the government forces would enable them to survive, although local commanders frequently denied them any pay.
Torture and medical experimentsEdit
The Khmer Rouge regime is also well known for practicing torturous medical experiments on prisoners. People were imprisoned and tortured merely on suspicion of opposing the regime or because other prisoners gave their names under torture. Whole families (including women and children) ended up in prisons and were tortured because the Khmer Rouge feared that if they did not do this, their intended victims' relatives would seek revenge. Pol Pot said, "if you want to kill the grass, you also have to kill the roots". Most prisoners did not even know why they had been imprisoned and, if they dared to ask the prison guards, the guards would answer only by saying that Angkar (the Communist Party of Kampuchea) never makes mistakes, which meant that they must have done something illegal.
There are many accounts of torture in both the S-21 records and the documents of the trial; as told by the survivor Bou Meng in his book (written by Huy Vannak), tortures were so atrocious and heinous that the prisoners tried in every way to commit suicide, even using spoons, and their hands were constantly tied behind their back to prevent them from committing suicide or trying to escape. When it was believed that they could not provide any further useful information, they were blindfolded and sent to the Killing Fields, which were mass graves where prisoners were killed at night with metal tools such as scythes or nails and hammers (since bullets were too expensive). Often times, their screams were covered with loudspeakers playing propaganda music of Democratic Kampuchea and noise from generator sets.
Inside S-21, a special treatment was given to babies and children; they were taken away from their mothers and relatives, and sent to the Killing Fields, where they were smashed against the so-called Chankiri Tree. A similar treatment is supposed to have been given to babies of other prisons like S-21, spread all over Democratic Kampuchea. S-21 also had a few Westerners who had been captured by the regime. One was the British teacher John Dawson Dewhirst, captured by the Khmer Rouge while he was on a yacht. One guard of S-21, Cheam Soeu, said that one of the Westerners had been burned alive, but Kang Kek Iew ("Comrade Duch") denied that. He said that Pol Pot asked him to burn their corpses (after death) and that "nobody would dare to violate my order". Tortures were not only meant to force prisoners to confess but for the prison guards' amusement. They feared that they would themselves become prisoners if they treated the prisoners well.
The previous doctors were killed or sent to the countryside to work as farmers during the Khmer Rouge and the library of the Medical Faculty in Phnom Penh was set on fire. The regime then employed child medics, who were just teenagers with no or very little training. They did not have any knowledge of Western medicine (which had been forbidden since it was considered a capitalist invention), and they had to practice their own medical experiments and make progress by themselves. They did not have Western medicines (since Cambodia, according to the Khmer Rouge, had to be self-sufficient) and all medical experiments were systematically conducted without anesthetics. A medic who worked inside S-21 told that a 17-year-old girl had her throat slit and her abdomen pierced before being beaten and put into water for an entire night. This procedure was repeated many times and carried out without anesthetics.
In a hospital of Kampong Cham province, child medics cut out the intestines of a living non-consenting person and joined their ends to study the healing process. The patient died after three days due to the "operation". In the same hospital, other "physicians" trained by the Khmer Rouge opened the chest of a living person, just to see the heart beating. The operation resulted in the patient's immediate death. Other testimonies, as well as Khmer Rouge policy, suggest that these were not isolated cases. They also performed drug testing, for instance by injecting coconut juice into a living person's body and studying the effects. Coconut juice injection is often lethal.
Number of deathsEdit
Ben Kiernan estimates that 1.671 million to 1.871 million Cambodians died as a result of Khmer Rouge policy, or between 21% and 24% of Cambodia's 1975 population. A study by French demographer Marek Sliwinski calculated slightly fewer than 2 million unnatural deaths under the Khmer Rouge out of a 1975 Cambodian population of 7.8 million; 33.5% of Cambodian men died under the Khmer Rouge compared to 15.7% of Cambodian women. According to a 2001 academic source, the most widely accepted estimates of excess deaths under the Khmer Rouge range from 1.5 million to 2 million, although figures as low as 1 million and as high as 3 million have been cited; conventionally accepted estimates of deaths due to Khmer Rouge executions range from 500,000 to 1 million, "a third to one half of excess mortality during the period." However, a 2013 academic source (citing research from 2009) indicates that execution may have accounted for as much as 60% of the total, with 23,745 mass graves containing approximately 1.3 million suspected victims of execution. While considerably higher than earlier and more widely-accepted estimates of Khmer Rouge executions, the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam)'s Craig Etcheson defended such estimates of over one million executions as "plausible, given the nature of the mass grave and DC-Cam's methods, which are more likely to produce an under-count of bodies rather than an over-estimate." Demographer Patrick Heuveline estimated that between 1.17 million and 3.42 million Cambodians died unnatural deaths between 1970 and 1979, with between 150,000 and 300,000 of those deaths occurring during the civil war. Heuveline's central estimate is 2.52 million excess deaths, of which 1.4 million were the direct result of violence. Despite being based on a house-to-house survey of Cambodians, the estimate of 3.3 million deaths promulgated by the Khmer Rouge's successor regime, the People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK), is generally considered to be an exaggeration; among other methodological errors, the PRK authorities added the estimated number of victims that had been found in the partially-exhumed mass graves to the raw survey results, meaning that some victims would have been double-counted.
After Democratic KampucheaEdit
Although executions of public officials of the old regime had taken place after Phnom Penh fell, 20 May 1975 is commemorated in Cambodia as the date that the Khmer Rouge campaign against private citizens began and the 20th of May is now observed annually as the "National Day of Remembrance" (Khmer: ទិវាជាតិនៃការចងចាំ, romanized: Tivea Cheate nei kar Changcham) and marked by a national holiday.
War crimes trialsEdit
On 15 July 1979, following the overthrow of the Khmer Rouge, the new government of Cambodia passed "Decree Law No. 1." This allowed for the trial of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary for the crime of genocide. They were given an American defense lawyer, Hope Stevens, and were tried in absentia and convicted of genocide. In January 2001, the Cambodian National Assembly passed legislation to form a tribunal to try additional members of the Khmer Rouge regime.
The United States avoided describing Khmer Rouge atrocities as genocide until 1989 and refused to approve capturing and holding a trial for Pol Pot until as late as 1997 because the U.S. had diplomatically supported the Khmer Rouge as a hedge against Vietnamese and Soviet influence in Southeast Asia throughout the 1980s. There was also speculation that a trial might examine the legality of the U.S. bombing of Cambodia during the Vietnam War.
In 1999, Duch was interviewed by Nic Dunlop and Nate Thayer and admitted his guilt for crimes carried out in Tuol Sleng prison, where up to 17,000 political prisoners were executed. He expressed sorrow for his actions, stating that he was willing to stand trial and give evidence against his former comrades. During his trial in February and March 2009, Duch admitted that he was responsible for the crimes carried out at Tuol Sleng. On 26 July 2010, he was found guilty on charges of crimes against humanity, torture, and murder and was sentenced to 35 years in prison. On 3 February 2012 his previous sentence was replaced with life imprisonment. Duch died of lung disease in September 2020.
Nuon Chea ("Brother Number Two") was arrested on 19 September 2007. At the end of his 2013 trial he denied all charges, stating that he had not given orders "to mistreat or kill people to deprive them of food or commit any genocide." He was convicted in 2014 and sentenced to life imprisonment. He has expressed remorse and accepted moral responsibility for his crimes, stating "I would like to sincerely apologize to the public, the victims, the families, and all Cambodian people."
After being located in an opulent Phnom Penh villa, Ieng Sary was arrested on 12 November 2007 and indicted for crimes against humanity, as was his wife Ieng Thirith, who had been an unofficial adviser to the regime. On 17 November 2011, following evaluations from medical experts, Thirith was found to be unfit to stand trial due to a mental condition. Sary died of heart failure in 2013 while his trial was in progress.
Another senior Khmer Rouge leader, Khieu Samphan, was arrested on 19 November 2007 and charged with crimes against humanity. He was convicted in 2014 and sentenced to life imprisonment. At a hearing on 23 June 2017, Samphan stated a desire to bow to the memory of his guiltless victims, while also claiming that he suffered for those who fought for their ideal to have a brighter future.
Denial of genocideEdit
A few months before his death on 15 April 1998, Pol Pot was interviewed by Nate Thayer. During the interview, he stated that he had a clear conscience and denied being responsible for the genocide. Pol Pot asserted that he "came to carry out the struggle, not to kill people." According to Alex Alvarez, Pol Pot "portrayed himself as a misunderstood and unfairly vilified figure". In 2013, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen unanimously passed legislation that prohibits the denial of the Cambodian genocide and other war crimes committed by the Khmer Rouge; a bill that mirrors legislation passed in European nations after the conclusion of the Holocaust.
The legislation was passed despite comments by opposition leader Kem Sokha, who is the deputy president of the Cambodian National Rescue Party. Sokha stated that exhibits at the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum were fabricated and that the artifacts had been faked by the Vietnamese following their invasion in 1979. Sokha's party has claimed that his comments were taken out of context.
Denial of support from ChinaEdit
In 1988, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, who was once a member of the Khmer Rouge, described China as "the root of everything that was evil" in Cambodia. But after he ousted his domestic rivals in a bloody factional coup d’état in July 1997, prompting outrage in the West, China immediately recognized the status quo and offered military aid. New interests soon came into alignment. Then, in 2000, Jiang Zemin, who was the CCP General Secretary and Chinese President, arrived in Cambodia for an official visit, the first by a Chinese leader since 1963.
In December 2000, while Jiang was visiting Cambodia, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China issued a statement that Beijing never supported the wrong policies of Khmer Rouge while it was governing Cambodia and refused to apologize. Yang Yanyi (杨燕怡), then the Deputy Director of the Asian Department in the Foreign Ministry of China, claimed: "This is an internal affair to be addressed by the Cambodians themselves. China had never interfered in the internal affairs of another country. Our assistance and support during that certain historical period was to support Cambodia's effort to safeguard its sovereignty and national independence. We never support wrong policies of other countries."
During the visit, Jiang met with Norodom Sihanouk and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, signing an agreement to offer US$12 million aid to Cambodia. Even though the Cambodia government never mentioned the issue of Khmer Rouge during Jiang's visit, protesters asked for apology and even restitution from China, and such request still persists. In 2015, Youk Chhang, the executive director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, pointed out that "Chinese advisers were there with the prison guards and all the way to the top leader. China has never admitted or apologized for this." In 2009, during the court trials of some of the former Khmer Rouge leaders, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu claimed: "For a long time China has ... had normal and friendly relations with previous Cambodian governments, including that of Democratic Kampuchea. As everyone knows, the government of Democratic Kampuchea had a legal seat at the United Nations, and had established broad foreign relations with more than 70 countries."
Recognition of rescuersEdit
The Rescuers exhibition, which ran from 2011 to 2015, recognized individuals who risked their lives to save others. The Cambodian rescuers are paired alongside similar profiles of courage from other world genocides.
In literature and mediaEdit
- The book Cambodge année zéro ("Cambodia Year Zero") by François Ponchaud was released in 1977 and translated into English in 1978. Ponchaud was one of the first authors to bring the Cambodian genocide to the world's attention. Ponchaud has said that the genocide "was above all, the translation into action the particular vision of a man [sic]: A person who has been spoiled by a corrupt regime cannot be reformed, he must be physically eliminated from the brotherhood of the pure." Murder of a Gentle Land: The Untold Story of a Communist Genocide in Cambodia by John Barron and Anthony Paul was published in 1977. The book drew on accounts from refugees, and an abridged version published in Reader's Digest was widely read.
- Filmmaker Rithy Panh, a survivor of the genocide, is "considered by many to be the cinematic voice of Cambodia." Panh has directed several documentaries on the genocide, including S-21: The Khmer Rouge Killing Machine, which has been noted by critics for "allow[ing] us to observe how memory and time may collapse to render the past as present and by doing so reveal the ordinary face of evil."
- The genocide is portrayed in the 1984 Academy Award-winning film The Killing Fields and in Patricia McCormick's 2012 novel Never Fall Down.
- The genocide is also recounted by Loung Ung in her memoir First They Killed My Father (2000). The book was adapted into a 2017 biographical film directed by Angelina Jolie. Set in 1975, the film depicts 5-year-old Ung who is forced to be trained as a child soldier while her siblings are sent to labor camps by the Khmer Rouge regime.
- The film "Year Zero: The Silent Death of Cambodia" is a 1979 British television documentary written and presented by the Australian journalist John Pilger. First broadcast on British television on 30 October 1979, the film recounts the extensive bombing of Cambodia by the United States in the 1970s as a secret chapter of the Vietnam War, the subsequent brutality and genocide that occurred when Pol Pot and his Khmer Rouge militia took over, the poverty and suffering of the people, and the limited aid since given by the West. Pilger's first report on Cambodia was published in a special issue of the Daily Mirror.
- Heuveline, Patrick (2001). "The Demographic Analysis of Mortality Crises: The Case of Cambodia, 1970–1979". Forced Migration and Mortality. National Academies Press. pp. 102–105. ISBN 978-0-309-07334-9.
As best as can now be estimated, over two million Cambodians died during the 1970s because of the political events of the decade, the vast majority of them during the mere four years of the 'Khmer Rouge' regime. This number of deaths is even more staggering when related to the size of the Cambodian population, then less than eight million. ... Subsequent reevaluations of the demographic data situated the death toll for the [civil war] in the order of 300,000 or less.
- Kiernan, Ben (2003). "The Demography of Genocide in Southeast Asia: The Death Tolls in Cambodia, 1975–79, and East Timor, 1975–80". Critical Asian Studies. 35 (4): 585–597. doi:10.1080/1467271032000147041. S2CID 143971159.
We may safely conclude, from known pre- and post-genocide population figures and from professional demographic calculations, that the 1975–79 death toll was between 1.671 and 1.871 million people, 21 to 24 percent of Cambodia's 1975 population.
- Locard, Henri (March 2005). "State Violence in Democratic Kampuchea (1975–1979) and Retribution (1979–2004)". European Review of History. 12 (1): 121–143. doi:10.1080/13507480500047811. S2CID 144712717.
Between 17 April 1975 and 7 January 1979 the death toll was about 25% of a population of some 7.8 million; 33.5% of men were massacred or died unnatural deaths as against 15.7% of the women, and 41.9% of the population of Phnom Penh. ... Since 1979, the so-called Pol Pot regime has been equated to Hitler and the Nazis. This is why the word 'genocide' (associated with Nazism) has been used for the first time in a distinctly Communist regime by the invading Vietnamese to distance themselves from a government they had overturned. This 'revisionism' was expressed in several ways. The Khmer Rouge were said to have killed 3.3 million, some 1.3 million more people than they had in fact killed. There was one abominable state prison, S–21, now the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum. In fact, there were more than 150 on the same model, at least one per district. ... For the United States in particular, denouncing the crimes of the Khmer Rouge was not at the top of their agenda in the early 1980s. Instead, as in the case of Afghanistan, it was still at times vital to counter what was perceived as the expansionist policies of the Soviets. The USA prioritised its budding friendship with the Democratic Republic of China to counter the 'evil' influence of the USSR in Southeast Asia, acting through its client state, revolutionary Vietnam. All the ASEAN countries shared that vision. So it became vital, with the military and financial help of China, to revive and develop armed resistance to the Vietnamese troops, with the resurrected KR at its core. ... [France] was instrumental in forcing the Sihanoukists and the Republicans to form an obscene alliance with its former tormentors, the KR, under the name of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK) in 1982. In so doing, the international community officially reintegrated some of the worst perpetrators of crimes against humanity into the world diplomatic sphere...
- Chandler, David P. (2018). Brother Number One: A Political Biography of Pol Pot. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-429-98161-6.
- Strangio, Sebastian (16 May 2012). "China's Aid Emboldens Cambodia | YaleGlobal Online". Yale University. Archived from the original on 17 December 2020. Retrieved 26 November 2019.
- "The Chinese Communist Party's Relationship with the Khmer Rouge in the 1970s: An Ideological Victory and a Strategic Failure". Wilson Center. 13 December 2018. Retrieved 26 November 2019.
- Hood, Steven J. (1990). "Beijing's Cambodia Gamble and the Prospects for Peace in Indochina: The Khmer Rouge or Sihanouk?". Asian Survey. 30 (10): 977–991. doi:10.2307/2644784. ISSN 0004-4687. JSTOR 2644784.
- "China-Cambodia Relations". Radio Free Asia. Retrieved 26 November 2019.
- Levin, Dan (30 March 2015). "China Is Urged to Confront Its Own History". The New York Times. Retrieved 26 November 2019.
- Kiernan, Ben (2008). The Pol Pot Regime: Race, Power, and Genocide in Cambodia Under the Khmer Rouge, 1975–79. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-14299-0.
- Laura, Southgate (2019). ASEAN Resistance to Sovereignty Violation: Interests, Balancing and the Role of the Vanguard State. Policy Press. ISBN 978-1-5292-0221-2.
- Jackson, Karl D (1989). Cambodia, 1975–1978: Rendezvous with Death. Princeton University Press. p. 219. ISBN 978-0-691-02541-4.
- Ervin Staub. The roots of evil: the origins of genocide and other group violence. Cambridge University Press, 1989. p. 202
- David Chandler & Ben Kiernan, ed. (1983). Revolution and its Aftermath. New Haven.
- Wang, Youqin. "2016: 张春桥幽灵" (PDF) (in Chinese). The University of Chicago.
- Etcheson 2005, p. 119.
- Heuveline 1998, pp. 49–65.
- Philip Spencer (2012). Genocide Since 1945. p. 69. ISBN 978-0-415-60634-9.
- Zhang, Zhifeng (25 April 2014). "华侨忆红色高棉屠杀：有文化的华人必死". Renmin Wang (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 24 November 2020. Retrieved 27 November 2019.
- "Mapping the Killing Fields". Documentation Center of Cambodia. Archived from the original on 26 March 2016. Retrieved 6 June 2018.
Through interviews and physical exploration, DC-Cam identified 19,733 mass burial pits, 196 prisons that operated during the Democratic Kampuchea (DK) period, and 81 memorials constructed by survivors of the DK regime.
- Kiernan, Ben (2014). The Pol Pot Regime: Race, Power, and Genocide in Cambodia Under the Khmer Rouge, 1975–79. Yale University Press. p. 464. ISBN 978-0-300-14299-0.
Like all but seven of the twenty thousand Tuol Sleng prisoners, she was murdered anyway.
- Landsiedel, Peter, "The Killing Fields: Genocide in Cambodia", ‘'P&E World Tour'’, 27 March 2017. Retrieved 17 March 2019
- Southerland, D (20 July 2006). "Cambodia Diary 6: Child Soldiers – Driven by Fear and Hate". Retrieved 28 March 2018.
- Seybolt, Aronson & Fischoff 2013, p. 238.
- State of the World's Refugees, 2000 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, p. 92. Retrieved 21 January 2019
- Mayersan 2013, p. 182.
- Mendes 2011, p. 13.
- "Judgement in Case 002/01 to be pronounced on 7 August 2014 | Drupal". www.eccc.gov.kh. Retrieved 29 November 2019.
- Frey, Rebecca Joyce (2009). Genocide and International Justice. Infobase Publishing. pp. 266–267. ISBN 978-0-8160-7310-8.
- Shawcross, pp. 181–182, 194. See also Isaacs, Hardy, & Brown, p. 98.
- Mosyakov, Dmitry. "The Khmer Rouge and the Vietnamese Communists: A History of Their Relations as Told in the Soviet Archives". In Cook, Susan E., ed. (2004). "Genocide in Cambodia and Rwanda". Yale Genocide Studies Program Monograph Series. 1: 54. "In April–May 1970, many North Vietnamese forces entered Cambodia in response to the call for help addressed to Vietnam not by Pol Pot, but by his deputy Nuon Chea. Nguyen Co Thach recalls: "Nuon Chea has asked for help and we have "liberated" five provinces of Cambodia in ten days."
- Sutsakhan, Lt. Gen. Sak, The Khmer Republic at War and the Final Collapse. Washington, D.C.: United States Army Center of Military History, 1987. p. 32.
- "Dining with the Dear Leader". Asia Time. Archived from the original on 28 March 2007.CS1 maint: unfit URL (link)
- Sharp, Bruce. "Counting Hell". Mekong.net. Retrieved 17 August 2019.
- "Mass Atrocity Endings | Documenting declines in civilian fatalities". sites.tufts.edu. Retrieved 6 February 2018.
- "Cambodia: U.S. bombing, civil war, & Khmer Rouge". World Peace Foundation. 7 August 2015. Retrieved 19 July 2019.
On the higher end of estimates, journalist Elizabeth Becker writes that 'officially, more than half a million Cambodians died on the Lon Nol side of the war; another 600,000 were said to have died in the Khmer Rouge zones.' However, it is not clear how these numbers were calculated or whether they disaggregate civilian and soldier deaths. Others' attempts to verify the numbers suggest a lower number. Demographer Patrick Heuveline has produced evidence suggesting a range of 150,000 to 300,000 violent deaths from 1970 to 1975. In an article reviewing different sources about civilian deaths during the civil war, Bruce Sharp argues that the total number is likely to be around 250,000 violent deaths. ... Many attempts have been made to count or estimate the scale of deaths under the KR. While the KR officials claim that only around 20,000 civilians were killed, the true estimate likely falls somewhere between 1–3 million total deaths, with upper range estimates of those directly killed by the regime approaching 1 million. ... One of the more thorough demographic studies, conducted by Patrick Heuveline, also attempts to separate out violent civilian deaths from a general increase in mortality caused by famine, disease, working conditions, or other indirect causes. He does so by grouping deaths within different age and sex brackets and analyzing treatment of these age and sex groups by the Khmer Rouge and violent regimes in general. His conclusion is that an average of 2.52 million people (range of 1.17–3.42 million) died as a result of regime actions between 1970 and 1979, with an average estimate of 1.4 million (range of 1.09–2.16 million) directly violent deaths.
- Sliwinski, Marek (1995). Le Génocide Khmer Rouge: Une Analyse Démographique. L'Harmattan. pp. 42–43, 48.
Le bilan humain de cette périod de guerre civile est difficile à établir. Les chiffres avancés ne sont pas irréfutables, et ils peuvent bien avoir été lancés à des fins de propagande ou d'intoxication. Ils oscillent, pour le nombre des morts, entre 600 000 et 700 000, soit entre 7.7% et 9.6% de la population du pays selon les évaluations les plus extrêmes. La cause principale de ces pertes serait les bombardements massifs de l'aviation américaine dont le but principal était l'anéantissement des pistes Ho-Chi-Minh et la destruction d'un mythique Q.G. du Viêt-cong. A cet égard, il est intéressant de rappeler que la population de toutes les régions traversées par les pistes Ho-Chi-Minh, régions situées sur la rive gauche du Mékong, ne comptait au total qu'environ 1 165 000 personnes, et que les trois plus grandes provinces longeant la frontiére laotienne et vietnamienne, Stung Treng, Ratanakiri et Mondolkiri, étaient pratiquement inhabitées. L'impact des bombardments américains sur l'état de la population du Cambodge durant les années 1970–1975 ne paraît donc pas aussi évident que certain auteurs le supposent. Nos propres statistiques sur les causes précises des décés ne situent d'ailleurs les victimes des bombardments qu'à la troisiéme place, loin derriére les victimes des armes à feu portatives et des assassinats. ... Pour la période de guerre civile, l'augmentation totale de la mortalité est donc de 7.5% Si l'on considére que la mortalité naturelle frappe chaque anné quelque 132 000 personnes, on pourrait facilement en déduire que la surmortalité due à la guerre se chiffre par un nombre de décés ne dépassant pas 50 000 personnes durant la périod allant de mars 1970 à avril 1975. Toutefois, en tenant compte du fait que la guerre a eu une forte incidence tant sur la dimunution de la mortalité naturelle que sur l'agumentation de la mortalité infantile, on peut estimer la proportion annuelle des victimes elles-mêmes de cette guerre à 0,64% de la population du pays, soit, pour toutes ces années, 240 000 personnes environ.
- Banister, Judith; Johnson, E. Paige (1993). "After the Nightmare: The Population of Cambodia". Genocide and Democracy in Cambodia: The Khmer Rouge, the United Nations and the International Community. Yale University Southeast Asia Studies. p. 87. ISBN 978-0-938692-49-2.
An estimated 275,000 excess deaths. We have modeled the highest mortality that we can justify for the early 1970s.
- William Shawcross, "1979 Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon and the Destruction of Cambodia," (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1979)
- Cultural Survival Quarterly Magazine, September 1990, "Roots of Genocide: New Evidence on the US Bombardment of Cambodia"
- Valentino, Benjamin (2005). Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the 20th Century. Cornell University Press. p. 84. ISBN 978-0-8014-7273-2.
- James A. Tyner, The Killing of Cambodia: Geography, Genocide and the Unmaking of Space (Routledge, 2017)
- Rummel, Rudolph. "Statistics of Cambodian Democide: Estimates, Calculations, And Sources". Retrieved 6 February 2018.
- "FRONTLINE/WORLD . Cambodia – Pol Pot's Shadow . Chronicle of Survival . 1969–1974: Caught in the crossfire". PBS. Retrieved 29 December 2017.
- Kiernan, Ben (2004). How Pol Pot Came to Power: Colonialism, Nationalism, and Communism in Cambodia, 1930–1975. Yale University Press. p. xxiii. ISBN 978-0-300-10262-8.
- Jones, Adam (2006). Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction (PDF). Routledge. pp. 189–190.
- Grandin, Greg (2015). Kissinger's Shadow: The Long Reach of America's Most Controversial Statesman. Henry Holt and Company. pp. 179–180. ISBN 978-1-62779-450-3.
- Kiernan, Ben (Winter 1989). "The American Bombardment of Kampuchea 1969–1973". Vietnam Generation. 1 (1): 4–41.
- Kiernan, Ben (2008). The Pol Pot Regime: Race, Power, and Genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge, 1975–1979. Yale University Press. pp. 16–19. ISBN 978-0-300-14299-0.
- Chandler, David (2000), Brother Number One: A Political Biography of Pol Pot, Revised Edition, Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, pp. 96–98.
- Chandler, David (2005). Cambodia 1884–1975, in The Emergence of Modern Southeast Asia, edited by Norman Owen. University of Hawaii Press, p. 369.
- Etcheson, Craig, The Rise and Demise of Democratic Kampuchea, Westview Press, 1984, p. 97.
- Shawcross, pp. 92–100, 106–112.
- "西哈努克、波尔布特与中国". Phoenix New Media (in Chinese). 10 April 2008. Archived from the original on 30 October 2020. Retrieved 26 November 2019.
- Wang, Xiaolin. "波尔布特：并不遥远的教训". Yanhuang Chunqiu (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 24 November 2020. Retrieved 23 November 2019.
- Song, Lianghe; Wu, Yijun (2013). "中国对柬埔寨的援助：评价及建议" (PDF). Xiamen University Forum on International Development (in Chinese) (6): 54–58. Archived (PDF) from the original on 14 April 2019.
- "人间正道：审判红色高棉". Phoenix New Media (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 3 January 2021. Retrieved 28 November 2019.
- "June 21, 1975. Conversation between Chinese leader Mao Zedong and Cambodian Leader Pol Pot" (PDF). Wilson Center.
- "A Personal Reflection on Norodom Sihanouk and Zhou Enlai: An Extraordinary Friendship on the Fringes of the Cold War" (PDF). UC Berkeley. Archived from the original (PDF) on 30 September 2015.
- Chang, Pao-min (1985). Kampuchea Between China and Vietnam. NUS Press. ISBN 978-9971-69-089-2.
- Ciorciari, John D. (3 April 2014). "China and the Pol Pot regime". Cold War History. 14 (2): 215–235. doi:10.1080/14682745.2013.808624. ISSN 1468-2745. S2CID 153491712.
- Kurlantzick 2008, p. 193.
- Kurlantzick 2008, p. 193.
- Ruo, Gu (30 May 2016). "老照片：七十年代波尔布特曾两度访华". Sohu (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 4 June 2020. Retrieved 24 November 2019.
- Xiap, Han. "'大寨工' 对全国农村的恶劣影响". Yanhuang Chunqiu (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 1 November 2020. Retrieved 25 November 2019.
- Yu, Hongjun (13 January 2016). "红色高棉运动始末". Boxun (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 3 February 2018. Retrieved 24 November 2019.
- "1978年国家领导人主要出访 – 览表". Sina (in Chinese). 26 November 2008. Archived from the original on 5 November 2020. Retrieved 24 November 2019.
- "Deng Xiaoping visited S'pore in 1978. Here's the impact it left on Sino-S'pore relations 40 years on". mothership.sg.
- "Deng Xiaoping visited S'pore in 1978. Here's the impact it left on Sino-S'pore relations 40 years on". mothership.sg.
- PoKempner 1995, p. 106.
- SarDesai 1998, p. 163.
- Brinkley 2011, pp. 64–65.
- PoKempner 1995, pp. 107–108.
- Haas 1991, pp. 17–18, 28–29.
- Thayer 1991, pp. 180, 187–189.
- Brinkley 2011, pp. 58, 65.
- "Khmer Rouge". History.com. Retrieved 8 October 2019.
- "Khmer Rouge". History.com. Retrieved 8 October 2019.
- Alvarez 2001, p. 50.
- Alvarez 2007, p. 16.
- Hannum 1989, pp. 88–89.
- Hunt, Michael H. (2014). The World Transformed: 1945 to the Present. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 377. ISBN 978-0-19-937102-0.
- "How Red China Supported the Brutal Khmer Rouge". Vision Times. 28 January 2018. Retrieved 26 November 2019.
- Chandler, David (2018). A History of Cambodia. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-429-96406-0.
- "Ambassador Kenneth M. Quinn". The World Food Prize Foundation.
- Boshart, Rod (17 June 2019). "Kenneth Quinn: From Cambodia's 'killing fields' to Iowa's Field of Dreams". The Gazette. Retrieved 14 September 2020.
- Kiernan, Ben (2008). "Cleansing the Countryside: Race, Power, and the Party, 1973–75". The Pol Pot Regime… 1975–79: Race, Power, and Genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. pp. 65–101. ISBN 978-0-300-14299-0. JSTOR j.ctt1npbv9.
- "60h Anniversary of Diplomatic Relations between the United States and Cambodia" (PDF). U.S. Embassy in Cambodia. July 2016. p. 38. Retrieved 14 September 2020.
- Power 2002, p. 96.
- Hinton & Lifton 2004, p. 23.
- Kiernan 2003, p. 29.
- "Khmer Rouge". Hisory.com. 21 August 2018. Retrieved 8 October 2019.
- William Branigin, Architect of Genocide Was Unrepentant to the End The Washington Post, 17 April 1998
- Theory of the Global State: Globality as Unfinished Revolution by Martin Shaw, Cambridge University Press, 2000, pp 141, ISBN 978-0-521-59730-2
- Alvarez 2001, p. 12.
- Gellately, Robert; Kiernan, Ben (2003). The Specter of Genocide: Mass Murder in Historical Perspective. Cambridge University Press. pp. 313–314.
- "UN genocide adviser welcomes historic conviction of former Khmer Rouge leaders". UN News. 16 November 2018. Retrieved 22 January 2021.
- Beech, Hannah (16 November 2018). "Khmer Rouge's Slaughter in Cambodia Is Ruled a Genocide (Published 2018)". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 22 January 2021.
- Vickery, Michael (1984). Cambodia: 1975–1982. Boston: South End Press.
- Etcheson 2005, pp. 45–47.
- Kiernan, Ben (2002). The Pol Pot Regime: Race, Power and Genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge, 1975–79 (Second ed.). New Haven and London: Yale University Press. pp. 254–255.
- Etcheson 2005, pp. 78–79.
- Etcheson 2005, pp. 84–85.
- Etcheson 2005, pp. 10–11.
- (Kiernan, 2002:252; see also the footnote on Chandler’s The Tragedy of Cambodian History, pp. 4, 263–265, 285)
- Kiernan, 2002:252; see Vickery’s Cambodia 1975–1982, pp. 181–182, 255, 258, 264–265)
- Kiernan, 2002:252; see Heder’s From Pol Pot to Pen Sovan to the Villages, p. 1
- Beech, Hannah (16 November 2018). "Khmer Rouge's Slaughter in Cambodia Is Ruled a Genocide Photographs of victims of the Khmer Rouge at the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, on Thursday. Credit Adam Dean for The New York Times Image". The New York Times.
- Edward Kissi (2006). Revolution and Genocide in Ethiopia and Cambodia. p. 128. ISBN 978-0-7391-6037-4.
- Will Podmore (2008). British Foreign Policy since 1870. p. 176. ISBN 978-1-4628-3577-5.
- Rummel, R. J. (2011). Death by Government. p. 191. ISBN 978-1-4128-2129-2.
- Philip Spencer (2012). Genocide Since 1945. p. 71. ISBN 978-0-415-60634-9.
- Brinkley 2011, p. 56.
- SarDesai 1998, pp. 161–163.
- Kiernan, Ben (2008). The Pol Pot regime: Race, Power, and Genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge. Yale University Press. p. 431.
- Hinton, Alexander Laban (2005). Why Did They Kill? Cambodia in the Shadow of Genocide. University of California Press. p. 54.
- Chan, Yuk Wah; Haines, David; Lee, Jonathan (2014). The Age of Asian Migration: Continuity, Diversity, and Susceptibility Volume 1. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 244. ISBN 978-1-4438-6569-2.
- Chan, Sucheng (2003). Remapping Asian American History. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 189.
- Kiernan 2003, p. 30.
- Totten, Samuel; Bartrop, Paul R. (2008). Dictionary of Genocide: A–L. ABC-CLIO. p. 64. ISBN 978-0-313-34642-2. Retrieved 15 April 2017.
- Kiernan 2002, p. 258.
- Kiernan 2002, p. 259.
- Kiernan 2002, p. 57.
- Kiernan 2002, p. 256.
- Vickery, Michael (1984). Cambodia: 1975–1982. Boston: South End Press. pp. 181.
- Gellately, Robert; Kiernan, Ben (2003). The specter of genocide : mass murder in historical perspective. Internet Archive. New York : Cambridge University Press. pp. 260–261.
- Gellately, Robert; Kiernan, Ben (2003). The specter of genocide : mass murder in historical perspective. Internet Archive. New York : Cambridge University Press. pp. 262.
- Gellately, Robert; Kiernan, Ben (2003). The specter of genocide : mass murder in historical perspective. Internet Archive. New York : Cambridge University Press. pp. 263.
- Gellately, Robert; Kiernan, Ben (2003). The specter of genocide : mass murder in historical perspective. Internet Archive. New York : Cambridge University Press. pp. 263–264.
- Kiernan 2002, p. 263.
- Kiernan 2002, p. 269.
- Kiernan 2002, p. 264.
- Le Coz, Clothilde (19 November 2015). "The question of genocide and Cambodia's Muslims". Al Jazeera.
- Perrin, Andrew (16 November 2010). "Weakness in Numbers". Time. Archived from the original on 29 November 2010.
- Geoffrey Blainey; A Short History of Christianity; Viking; 2011; p. 543
- Wessinger, Catherine (2000). Millennialism, Persecution, and Violence: Historical Cases. Syracuse University Press. p. 282. ISBN 978-0-8156-2809-5.
- Juergensmeyer, Mark. The Oxford Handbook of Global Religions. Oxford University Press. p. 495.
- Quinn-Judge, Westad, Odd Arne, Sophie (2006). The Third Indochina War: Conflict Between China, Vietnam and Cambodia, 1972–79. Routledge. p. 189. ISBN 9780415390583.
- Philip Shenon, Phnom Penh Journal; Lord Buddha Returns, With Artists His Soldiers The New York Times (2 January 1992)
- Rummel, Rudolph J. (2001). "Chapter 6: Freedom Virtually Ends Genocide and Mass Murder". Saving Lives, Enriching Life: Freedom as a Right And a Moral Good.
- Kiernan, Ben (1987). Cambodia : the Eastern Zone massacres : a report on social conditions and human rights violations in the Eastern Zone of democratic Kampuchea under the role of Pol Pot's (Khmer Rouge) Communist Party of Kampuchea. New York: Columbia University, Center for the Study of Human Rights. p. Preface.
- Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (2001). "Global Report on Child Soldiers". child-soldiers.org. Archived from the original on 25 May 2019. Retrieved 16 May 2018.
- "Dealing with Cambodia's past and life nowadays". Now or never. 1 July 2015.
- Huy Vannak (2010), pp. 32–35
- Associated Press (5 August 2009). "Westerner was burned alive, says Cambodia trial witness". The Guardian. Phnom Penh.
- Mydans, Seth (1 March 2009). "For Khmer Rouge guard, it was kill or be killed". The New York Times.
- Vilim, Laura (2012). "Keeping Them Alive, One Gets Nothing; Killing Them, One Loses Nothing: Prosecuting Khmer Rouge Medical Practices as Crimes against Humanity" (PDF). dccam.org. Archived from the original (PDF) on 7 April 2014. Retrieved 29 September 2018.
- "Propaganda, Torture and French Colonial Heritage: Looking into the Methods of the Khmer Rouge | Cambodia Tribunal Monitor".
- "Chilling Evidence in Khmer Rouge Trial".
- "Barbarous KR medical experiments uncovered". 23 June 2000.
- "Tribunal Hears of Secret Medical Experiments". 22 September 2016.
- The New York Times. Cambodian Day of Hate Marks Pol Pot's Victims
- "'Day of Anger' becomes Kingdom's latest national holiday". The Phnom Penh Post. 20 February 2018.
- Etcheson 2005, p. 14.
- Donlon 2012, p. 103.
- Stanton 2013, p. 411.
- Becker, Elizabeth (17 April 1998). "Death of Pol Pot: The Diplomacy; Pol Pot's End Won't Stop U.S. Pursuit of His Circle". The New York Times. Retrieved 2 September 2020.
- Bartrop 2012, pp. 166–167.
- ECCC-Kaing 2012.
- Mydans, Seth (2 September 2020). "Duch, Prison Chief Who Slaughtered for the Khmer Rouge, Dies at 77". The New York Times. Retrieved 2 September 2020.
- Corfield 2011, p. 855.
- Nuon Chea 2013.
- MacKinnon 2007.
- de los Reyes et al. 2012, p. 1.
- Mydans, Seth (14 March 2013). "Ieng Sary, Khmer Rouge Leader Tied to Genocide, Dies at 87". The New York Times. Retrieved 14 March 2013.
- Munthit 2007.
- Mydans, Seith (2017). "Khmer Rouge Trial, Perhaps the Last, Nears End in Cambodia". The New York Times.
- Chan 2004, p. 256.
- Alvarez 2001, p. 56.
- "Cambodia Moves To Outlaw Denial of Khmer Rouge Atrocities". NPR. Retrieved 8 October 2019.
- Buncombe 2013.
- Reuters (7 November 2000). "China Says It Won't Apologize For Supporting the Khmer Rouge". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 27 November 2019.
- "江泽民抵柬展开历史性访问". BBC. 13 November 2000. Archived from the original on 18 February 2003. Retrieved 25 November 2019.
- "中国疏远同红色高棉的关系". BBC. 14 November 2000. Retrieved 25 November 2019.
- Stanton, Gregory H. "Seeking Justice in Cambodia". genocidewatch.org. Archived from the original on 26 October 2009. Retrieved 27 November 2019.
- "China defends its Khmer Rouge ties as trial opens". Reuters. 17 February 2009. Retrieved 27 November 2019.
- "The Rescuers". proof.org.
- Strozek, Karolina; Seldowitz, Dovi (2019). "Unknown Heroes of Cambodia" (PDF). Courage to Care NSW.
- Beachler 2011, p. 45.
- Bartrop 2012, p. 261.
- Tyner 2012, p. 145.
- Barron 1977.
- Mayersan 2013, pp. 183–184.
- Boyle 2009, p. 95.
- "The Killing Fields: authentically good". The Guardian. London. 12 March 2009.
- Debra Lau Whelan (10 October 2012). "SLJ Speaks to National Book Award Finalists". School Library Journal. Retrieved 15 November 2012.
- Loung, Ung (2000). First they killed my father : a daughter of Cambodia remembers (1st ed.). New York: HarperCollinsPublishers. ISBN 978-0-06-019332-4. OCLC 41482326.
- Debruge, Peter (3 September 2017). "Telluride Film Review: 'First They Killed My Father: A Daughter of Cambodia Remembers'". Variety. Retrieved 20 September 2017.
- Independent Movie Database (IMDB), "Year Zero: The Silent Death of Cambodia (1979)"
- Year Zero: the Silent Death of Cambodia, video of program on John Pilger's website.
- Year Zero: the Silent Death of Cambodia, video of programme on John Pilger's website.
- Pilger, John (2001). Heroes. London: Soluth End Press. p. 417. ISBN 978-0-89608-666-1. (Originally published by Jonathan Cape, London, 1986), p. 410
- John Pilger (2011). Tell Me No Lies: Investigative Journalism and its Triumphs. Random House. p. 121. ISBN 978-1-4070-8570-8.
- Alvarez, Alex (2001). Governments, Citizens, and Genocide: A Comparative and Interdisciplinary Approach. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-33849-5.
- Alvarez, Alex (2007). "The Prevention and Intervention of Genocide During the Cold War Years". In Samuel Totten (ed.). The Prevention and Intervention of Genocide. Transaction. pp. 7–30. ISBN 978-0-7658-0384-9.
- Barron, John; Anthony Paul (1977). Murder of a gentle land: the untold story of a Communist genocide in Cambodia. Reader's Digest Press. ISBN 978-0-88349-129-4.
- Bartrop, Paul R. (2012). A Biographical Encyclopedia of Contemporary Genocide. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-0-313-38678-7.
- "Khmer Rouge trial ends with defendants denying charges". BBC. 31 October 2013. Retrieved 5 January 2014.
- Beachler, Donald W. (2011). The Genocide Debate: Politicians, Academics, and Victims. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-11414-2.
- Boyle, Deirdre (2009). "Shattering Silence: Traumatic Memory and Reenactment in Rithy Panh's S-21: The Khmer Rouge Killing Machine". Framework: The Journal of Cinema and Media. 50 (1/2): 95–106. doi:10.1353/frm.0.0049. JSTOR 41552541. S2CID 194050428.
- Brinkley, Joel (2011). Cambodia's Curse: The Modern History of a Troubled Land. PublicAffairs. ISBN 978-1-610-39001-9.
- Buncombe, Andrew (7 June 2013). "Cambodia passes law making denial of Khmer Rouge genocide illegal". The Independent. Retrieved 2 January 2014.
- Chan, Sucheng (2004). Survivors: Cambodian Refugees in the United States. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-07179-9.
- Corfield, Justin J. (2011). "Nuon Chea". In Spencer C. Tucker (ed.). The Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War A Political, Social, and Military History. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-85109-961-0.
- de los Reyes, Faith Suzzette; Mattes, Daniel; Lee, Samantha B.; Van Tuyl, Penelope (2012). KRT TRIAL MONITOR (PDF). Asian International Justice Initiative. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 7 January 2014.
- DeMello, Margo (2013). Body Studies: An Introduction. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-69930-3.
- Donlon, Fidelma (2012). "Hybrid Tribunals". In William A. Schabas, Nadia Bernaz (ed.). Routledge Handbook of International Criminal Law. Routledge. pp. 85–106. ISBN 978-0-415-52450-6.
- Dutton, Donald G. (2007). The Psychology of Genocide, Massacres, and Extreme Violence: Why Normal People Come to Commit Atrocities. Praeger. ISBN 978-0-275-99000-8.
- Etcheson, Craig (2005). After the Killing Fields: Lessons from the Cambodian Genocide. Greenwood. ISBN 978-0-275-98513-4.
- Frey, Rebecca Joyce (2009). Genocide and International Justice. Facts on File. ISBN 978-0-8160-7310-8.
- Haas, Michael (1991). Cambodia, Pol Pot, and the United States: The Faustian Pact. ABC-CLIO.
- Hannum, Hurst (1989). "International Law and Cambodian Genocide: The Sounds of Silence". Human Rights Quarterly. 11 (1): 82–138. doi:10.2307/761936. JSTOR 761936.
- Heuveline, Patrick (1998). "'Between One and Three Million': Towards the Demographic Reconstruction of a Decade of Cambodian History (1970–79)". Population Studies. 52 (1): 49–65. doi:10.1080/0032472031000150176. JSTOR 2584763. PMID 11619945.
- Hinton, Alexander Laban; Lifton, Robert Jay (2004). "In the Shadow of Genocide". Why Did They Kill?: Cambodia in the Shadow of Genocide. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-24179-4.
- "KAING Guek Eav". Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). 2012. Retrieved 19 August 2015.
- Kiernan, Ben (2003). "Twentieth-Century Genocides Underlying Ideological Themes from Armenia to East Timor". In Robert Gellately, Ben Kiernan (ed.). The Specter of Genocide: Mass Murder in Historical Perspective. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-52750-7.
- Kurlantzick, Joshua (2008). "China's Growing Influence in Southeast Asia". China's Expansion into the Western Hemisphere: Implications for Latin America and the United States. Brookings Institution Press. ISBN 978-0-815-77554-6.
- MacKinnon, Ian (12 November 2007). "Leading Khmer Rouge figures arrested". The Guardian. Retrieved 7 January 2014.
- Mayersan, Deborah (2013). "'Never Again' or Again and Again". In Deborah Mayersen, Annie Pohlman (ed.). Genocide and Mass Atrocities in Asia: Legacies and Prevention. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-64511-9.
- Vannak, Huy (2010). Bou Meng: A Survivor From Khmer Rouge Prison S-21, Justice for the Future Not Just for the Victims. Documentation Center of Cambodia. ISBN 978-99950-60-19-0.
- Mendes, Errol (2011). Peace and Justice at the International Criminal Court: A Court of Last Resort. Edward Elgar. ISBN 978-1-84980-382-3.
- Munthit, Ker (19 November 2007). "Ex-Khmer Rouge Head of State Charged". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 10 June 2014. Retrieved 7 January 2014.
- PoKempner, Dinah (1995). Cambodia at War. Human Rights Watch. ISBN 978-1-56432-150-3.
- Power, Samantha (2002). A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide. Basic Books. ISBN 978-0-465-06150-1.
- SarDesai, D.R. (1998). Vietnam, Past and Present. Westview. ISBN 978-0-8133-4308-2.
- Seybolt, Taylor B.; Aronson, Jay D.; Fischoff, Baruch (2013). Counting Civilian Casualties: An Introduction to Recording and Estimating Nonmilitary Deaths in Conflict. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-997731-4.
- Solarz, Stephen (1990). "Cambodia and the International Community". Council on Foreign Relations.
- Stanton, Gregory H. (2013). "The Call". In Samuel Totten, Steven Leonard Jacobs (ed.). Pioneers of Genocide Studies. Transaction. pp. 401–428. ISBN 978-1-4128-4974-6.
- "Cambodia sentence two top Khmer Rouge leaders to life in prison". The Telegraph. Associated Press. 7 August 2014. Retrieved 7 August 2014.
- Terry, Fiona (2002). Condemned to Repeat?: The Paradox of Humanitarian Action. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-8796-5.
- Thayer, Nate (1991). "Cambodia: Misperceptions and Peace". The Washington Quarterly. 14 (2): 179–191. doi:10.1080/01636609109477687.
- Tyner, James A. (2012). Genocide and the Geographical Imagination: Life and Death in Germany, China, and Cambodia. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1-4422-0898-8.
- Verkoren, Willemijn (2008). The Owl and the Dove: Knowledge Strategies to Improve the Peacebuilding. Amsterdam University Press. ISBN 978-90-5629-506-6.
- Waller, James. "Communist Mass Killings: Cambodia (1975–1979)". Keene State College. Cohen Center, Keene, NH. 17 February 2015. Powerpoint Lecture.
- Media related to Cambodian Genocide at Wikimedia Commons