This article needs additional citations for verification. (April 2008) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
A characteristic of Mashreqi varieties of Arabic (particularly Levantine and Egyptian) is to assibilate the interdental consonants of Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) in certain contexts (defined more culturally than phonotactically). Thus, ṯāʾ, pronounced [θ] in MSA, becomes [s] (as MSA /θaqaːfah/ → Levantine /saqaːfeh/ "culture"); ḏāl, pronounced [ð] in MSA, becomes [z] (as MSA /ðanb/ → Levantine /zamb/ "guilt"); and ẓāʾ, pronounced [ðˤ] in MSA, becomes [zˤ] (as MSA /maħðˤuːðˤ/ → Levantine /maħzˤuːzˤ/ "lucky").
Diachronically, the phoneme represented by the letter ǧīm has in, some dialects, experienced assibilation as well. The pronunciation in Classical Arabic is reconstructed to have been [ɡʲ] or [ɟ] (or perhaps both dialectically); it is cognate to [ɡ] in most other Semitic languages, and it is understood to be derived from that sound in Proto-Semitic. It has experienced extensive change in pronunciation over the centuries, and is pronounced at least six different ways across the assorted varieties of Arabic. A common one is [ʒ], the end result of a process of palatalization starting with Proto-West Semitic [ɡ], then [ɡʲ] or [ɟ], then [d͡ʒ] (a pronunciation still current) and finally [ʒ] (in Levantine and non-Algerian Maghrebi). The last pronunciation is considered acceptable for use in MSA, along with [ɡ] and [d͡ʒ].
In the history of several Bantu groups, including the Southern Bantu languages, the Proto-Bantu consonant *k was palatalised before a close or near-close vowel. Thus, the class 7 noun prefix *kɪ̀- appears in e.g. Zulu as isi-, Sotho as se-, Venda as tshi- and Shona as chi-.
Finnic languages (Finnish, Estonian and their closest relatives) had *ti changed to /si/. The alternation can be seen in dialectal and inflected word forms: Finnish kieltää "to deny" → kielti ~ kielsi "s/he denied"; vesi "water" vs. vete-nä "as water".
An intermediate stage /ts/ is preserved in South Estonian in certain cases: tsiga "pig", vs. Finnish sika, Standard (North) Estonian siga.
Assibilation occurs without palatalization for some speakers of African American Vernacular English in which /θ/ is alveolarized to /s/ when it occurs at the end of a syllable and within a word before another consonant, leading to such pronunciations as the following:
In Proto-Greek, the earlier combinations *ty, *tʰy and *dy assibilated to become alveolar affricates, *ts and *dz, in what's known as the first palatalization. Later, a second round of palatalization occurred, initially producing geminate palatal *ťť and *ďď from various consonants followed by *y. The former was depalatalised to plain geminate tt in some dialects, and assibilated to ss in others. The latter evolved into an affricate dz in all Greek dialects. Some examples:
- *tot-yos -> PG *totsos > Homeric tóssos > Attic tósos "this much" (Latin tot)
- *medʰ-yos > PG *metsos > Homeric méssos > Attic mésos "middle" (Latin medius)
- Doric títhēti – Attic-Ionic títhēsi "he/she places"
The word "assibilation" itself contains an example of the phenomenon, as it is pronounced //. The Classical Latin -tio was pronounced /tioː/ (for example, assibilatio was pronounced /asːiːbilaːtioː/ and attentio /atːentioː/). However, in Vulgar Latin, it assibilated to /tsioː/, which can still be seen in Italian: attenzione.
Palatalization effects were widespread in the history of Proto-Slavic. In the first palatalization, various consonants were converted into postalveolar fricatives and affricates, while in the second and third palatalizations, the results were alveolar.
Some Slavic languages underwent yet another round of palatalisation. In Polish, in particular, dental consonants became alveolo-palatal fricatives and affricates when followed by a front vowel.
- Phonological Features of African American Vernacular English
- Smyth. par. 115: -ti > -si.
- Smyth. note 115: Doric -ti.
- Matus-Mendoza, Maríadelaluz (2004-03-01). "Assibilation of /-r/ and migration among Mexicans". Language Variation and Change. 16 (1): 17–30. doi:10.1017/S0954394504161024. ISSN 1469-8021.