Alan Gabriel Ludwig García Pérez (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈalaŋ ɡaβˈɾjel luðˈwiɣ ɡaɾˈsi.a ˈpeɾes]; 23 May 1949 – 17 April 2019) was a Peruvian politician who served as President of Peru from 1985 to 1990 and again from 2006 to 2011. He was the second leader of the Peruvian Aprista Party and the only party member ever to have served as President.
|President of Peru|
28 July 2006 – 28 July 2011
|Prime Minister||Jorge del Castillo|
José Antonio Chang
|Vice President||Luis Giampietri|
|Preceded by||Alejandro Toledo|
|Succeeded by||Ollanta Humala|
28 July 1985 – 28 July 1990
|Prime Minister||Luis Alva Castro|
Luis Alberto Sánchez
Guillermo Larco Cox
|Vice President||Luis Alberto Sánchez|
Luis Alva Castro
|Preceded by||Fernando Belaúnde Terry|
|Succeeded by||Alberto Fujimori|
|Senator for Life|
28 July 1990 – 5 April 1992
|Member of the Chamber of Deputies|
26 July 1980 – 26 July 1985
|Member of the Constituent Assembly|
28 July 1978 – 13 July 1979
|President of the Peruvian Aprista Party|
7 June 2004 – 11 April 2016
|Preceded by||Position reinstated|
15 July 1985 – 23 December 1988
|Preceded by||Position created|
|Succeeded by||Position abolished|
|General Secretary of the Peruvian Aprista Party|
9 October 1982 – 15 July 1985
|Preceded by||Fernando León de Vivero|
|Succeeded by||Armando Villanueva|
Alan Gabriel Ludwig García Pérez
23 May 1949
|Died||17 April 2019 (aged 69)|
|Cause of death||Suicide by gunshot|
|Political party||American Popular Revolutionary Alliance|
|Height||188 cm (6 ft 2 in)|
|Spouse(s)||Carla Buscaglia (divorced)|
Pilar Nores (m. 1978)
|Alma mater||Pontifical Catholic University of Peru|
National University of San Marcos
His first presidential term was marked by a severe economic crisis, social unrest and violence. He ran unsuccessfully for the presidency in 2001, losing in a run-off to Alejandro Toledo. In 2006, he was elected to the presidency for a second term. During García's second term, due to the increase in global metal prices, Peru experienced a steady economy, though his tenure also saw increased social conflict regarding indigenous rights and corruption.
Born in the American Clinic of the Barranco District into a middle-class family, García met his father for the first time when he was five due to his father's imprisonment for being a member of the Peruvian Aprista Party. His mother founded the party's base in the Camaná Province of the Arequipa Region. From a very young age, he accompanied his father to party meetings and became acquainted with future leaders of the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA), such as Luis Alva Castro and Mercedes Cabanillas. At 14, he was already an immensely talented orator when he first gave a speech in honour of party founder Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, whom he admired and followed until his death.
García studied law, first at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru and later earning a law degree from the National University of San Marcos in 1971. A year later, he left Peru for Spain, where he studied for a PhD in law. For years García claimed to have earned a PhD; in 2014, however, documents from the university proved he never finished the work for it. In 1974, he travelled to France with other members of the APRA to study at the prestigious University of Paris I. After earning a degree in sociology, he was called by Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre to come back to Peru in order to run for the Constituent Assembly election in 1978. García was elected a Member of the Assembly, where he impressed his colleagues with his oratory and skillful rhetoric. As APRA's Secretary of Organization, he was assigned to conduct the party's public affairs in the wake of Haya de la Torre's death in 1979.
From his first marriage, García had one daughter, Carla, who is also active in Peruvian politics. With his second wife Pilar Nores, from whom he separated in 2010, García had four children. He also had another child from an extramarital affair Roxanne Cheesman.
Already recognized as a young leader with a bright future in the country, he was elected to Congress in 1980. Two years later, he was elected General Secretary of the Peruvian Aprista Party. He was elected to serve as president of the Republic in the 1985 general elections.
García won the presidential election on 14 April 1985 with 45% of the votes. Since he did not receive the 50% of the votes required for a first-round victory, a run-off was scheduled between him and Alfonso Barrantes (the former mayor of Lima) of the United Left party. Barrantes, however, withdrew and decided not to enter the run-off, saying he did not want to prolong the country's political uncertainty. García was thus declared President on 1 June and officially took power on 28 July 1985. For the first time in its sixty-year history, the APRA party came to power in Peru. Aged 36, García was dubbed "Latin America's Kennedy", becoming the region's youngest president at the time, and the second youngest president in Peruvian history (the youngest was Juan Crisostomo Torrico in 1842, aged 34).
His economic policy was based on APRA's initial anti-imperialist values with García distancing Peru from international markets, resulting in lower investment in the country. Despite his initial popularity among voters, García's term in office was marked by bouts of hyperinflation, which reached 7,649% in 1990 and had a cumulative total of 2,200,200% over the five years, which destabilised the Peruvian economy. Foreign debt under García's administration increased to $19 billion by 1989. Owing to this chronic inflation, the Peruvian currency, the sol, was replaced by the inti in mid-1985, which itself was replaced by the nuevo sol ("new sun") in July 1991, at which time the new sol had a cumulative value of one billion (1,000,000,000) old soles.
According to studies by the National Institute of Statistics and Informatics and the United Nations Development Programme, around the start of his presidency, 41.6% of Peruvians lived in poverty. During his presidency, this percentage increased by 13% (to 55%) in 1991. García also made an attempt to nationalise the banking and insurance industries. The International Monetary Fund and the financial community recoiled after García's administration unilaterally declared a limit on debt repayment equal to 10% of the Gross National Product, thereby isolating Peru from the international financial markets.
The economic turbulence exacerbated social tensions and contributed in part to the rise of the violent Maoist rebel movement known as the Shining Path, which launched the internal conflict in Peru and began attacking electrical towers, causing a number of blackouts in Lima. The period also saw the emergence of the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA). The García administration unsuccessfully sought a military solution to the growing terrorism, allegedly committing human rights violations, which are still under investigation. These include the Accomarca massacre, where 47 campesinos were gunned down by armed forces in August 1985; the Cayara massacre (May 1988), in which some thirty people were killed and dozens disappeared; and the summary execution of more than 200 inmates during prison riots in Lurigancho, San Juan Bautista (El Frontón) and Santa Bárbara in 1986. According to an official inquiry, an estimated 1,600 forced disappearances took place during García's presidency. His own personal involvement in these events is not clear. García was allegedly tied to the paramilitary Rodrigo Franco Command, which is accused of carrying out political murders in Peru during García's presidency. A U.S. declassified report, written in late 1987, said that García's party, APRA, and top government officials were running a paramilitary group, responsible for the attempted bombing of the El Diario newspaper, then linked to Shining Path, had sent people to train in North Korea and may have been involved in executions. According to investigative journalist Lucy Komisar, the report made it clear that it believed García had given the orders.
Blaming the crisis that was experienced during García's presidency, Alberto Fujimori initiated the 1992 Peruvian constitutional crisis and took power through a self-coup. The economic crisis would allow Fujimori to utilize neoliberal economics, known as "Fujishock".
At this time, García fled into exile in Colombia and later France following Fujimori's self-coup, during which the military raided his house. Fujimori's government re-opened corruption charges against him. He denied the charges, and in 2001 the Supreme Court ruled that the statute of limitations had run out following a recommendation by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. After living eight years and ten months in neighbouring Colombia and in France, Garcia returned to Peru in 2001, following the fall of Fujimori's government.
Return to politicsEdit
2001 Peruvian national electionEdit
After returning to Peru in 2001, García participated in presidential elections that same year. As it had been rumoured for some years that he would, García ran for president in the new elections called by interim president Valentín Paniagua, with Jorge del Castillo as his campaign manager. García competed against some of his harshest critics and worst political enemies, including Lourdes Flores Nano and Fernando Olivera.
He finished a distant second in the first round, far behind Alejandro Toledo, but just slightly above Flores Nano (by 1%), enough to take him to a run-off, as Toledo had failed to obtain the 50% majority. During the campaign for the run-off Toledo's popularity decreased, while García's popularity increased with his characteristic rhetoric and classic oratorial delivery, which had helped him to get elected in 1985. García managed to obtain 48% of the vote in the run-off, losing to Toledo by a very tight margin. This was despite the movement "Voto Nulo" ("blank" or void vote), led by Jaime Bayly, a popular writer and TV presenter, and Álvaro Vargas Llosa, son of the famous novelist, Mario, in which celebrities asked voters to vote for neither candidate and instead intentionally damage their vote cards or leave them blank. After the 2001 election, García, as leader of the APRA party, became Leader of the Opposition.
2006 Peruvian national electionEdit
García officially started his campaign for the April 2006 presidential election in Lima on 20 April 2005. Ollanta Humala won the first round with 32.50% of the valid votes, followed by García, who got 24.32% (against Lourdes Flores' 23.81%). As no candidate won a majority, a run-off election was held on 4 June 2006 between Humala and García. Preliminary official results gave García an advantage over his run-off opponent, who conceded defeat.
On 28 April 2006, prior to the run-off, García had become involved in a dispute with Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. For the second time in a Peruvian presidential elections, Chávez declared his support for Ollanta Humala, García's opponent, and referred to García as a "robber", a "bandit", and "the Carlos Andrés Pérez of Peru". In response, García stated that Chávez was "not acting as a statesman" and challenged Chávez to a debate to be hosted by CNN. García called on the Organization of American States to intervene in the matter.
On 31 May 2006, a few days before the run-off election, García's economic adviser Enrique Cornejo told the media that if García won in the second round, his government would renew a US$422 million aid package with the International Monetary Fund. Anoop Singh, the IMF's Western Hemisphere Director, responded positively by saying he was "impressed by the vision of the president-elected for Peru, especially his commitment to applying prudent economic policy."
On 28 July 2006, García was sworn in as president, after winning approximately 53% of the nationwide vote in the elections held on 4 June. He would spend the majority of his second term attempting to improve his reputation compared to his first term.
He won in the capital city, Lima, and the northern coast, a geographical base of the APRA party, but lost on the southern region (mostly impoverished but including major cities such as Cuzco and Arequipa) and the rainforest areas, considered Humala's strongholds. A third of the voters said that voting for him was "voting for the lesser of two evils": although many Peruvians had a very negative impression of García after his first term, they were frightened by rumours that Humala would create a government based on Fidel Castro's Cuba and would turn Hugo Chávez, President of Venezuela, into the virtual ruler of Peru, due to Chavez's patronage of Humala's party. These fears were accompanied by declarations of militarization, the re-introduction of the death penalty and criminalization and disrespect for LGBT communities. Humala denied these rumours, but his conflicting statements about his government's vision and Chávez's strong campaigning for him created enough suspicions among voters to cost him the ballotage. With 36 seats, APRA was the second largest bloc in the 120-seat unicameral Congress which was sworn in a couple of days before the President. With 45 seats, Humala's Union for Peru Party was the largest bloc, although it divided itself up into three factions.
On 28 June, one month before García was sworn in, his party gave 25 of the 79 votes (almost one third of the votes) that ratified the Peru–United States Trade Promotion Agreement in the Peruvian Congress, one month prior to the new legislature that included the Union for Peru congressmen, who opposed the agreement with the USA. The U.S. Congress ratified the agreement on 4 December 2007 and it came into effect on 1 February 2009.
In his first speech as President, García said he would appoint a Finance Minister who was neither "an orthodox market liberal" nor a person "excessively in favour of state intervention in the economy". The position of Prime Minister was given to Jorge del Castillo. According to the BBC, in private interviews García had stated his interest in a possible future trade agreement with Brazil and considered himself "an admirer" of Brazilian President Lula da Silva.
In press conferences with the foreign press, García acknowledged that the support Humala received in the election "could not be ignored". García, in a recognition of future domestic politics with a UPP controlled Congress, was quoted as saying "Mr. Humala is an important political figure, and a President should consult with different political factions". However, Humala said he wouldn't salute the winner personally, adding that "he and his party will constitute the principal opposition bloc, not to fight Mr. García, but to defend the interests of the State and watch the government".
President Chávez of Venezuela responded to García's comments on his show Aló Presidente by stating that it was García who owed him an apology, saying: "the only way relations between the two countries can be restored is if Peru's elected President [García] gives an explanation and offers an apology to the Venezuelan people. He started throwing stones". Chávez questioned the legitimacy of the election, citing 1.2 million invalid ballots and a margin of victory of 600,000 votes, although offering no evidence for his comments. García, attending an invitation to meet Brazilian president Lula da Silva, responded to Chávez: "Accept your defeat in silence. Don't ask me to apologize for something arising from interference and remarks that are unacceptable under international law." Differences with Chávez were left behind after the two ended their controversy at the second South American Community of Nations Summit.
On 20 July 2006, García named Luis Carranza as Finance Minister, a former executive at Spain-based Banco Bilbao Vizcaya Argentaria and Central Bank director and deputy finance chief from August 2004 to August 2005 in Alejandro Toledo's government. The appointment was welcomed by some detractors of García's fiscal policies during his first administration. But Mario Huamán Rivera, the President of the Confederación General de Trabajadores del Perú (General Workers Confederation of Peru), the country's largest trade union, attacked the appointment, stating that "it looks as though Alan García is not going to fulfill his promise to change economic policy".
On the day before his inauguration, García formally named his cabinet, including former Secretary-General of the APRA party and re-elected Congressman Jorge del Castillo as Prime Minister, Luis Carranza as Minister of Finance and Economy, and José Antonio García Belaúnde as Foreign Affairs Minister. García was inaugurated as President on 28 July 2006.
During his campaign, García declared that he supported the death penalty for rapists of minors; he reiterated this stance while in office pushing a law on the matter, which would modify the Criminal Code. Although the issue seemed to be stalled, García widened the range of his proposal for the death penalty, by including terrorists in the list of those who could receive it.
García faced his first major political defeat of his second term in office on 11 January 2007 when his proposal to introduce the death penalty as a punishment for captured Shining Path rebels was rejected by Congress in a vote of 49 to 26. García had promised to introduce the death penalty for Shining Path rebels during the 2006 Presidential election. Following the defeat of the proposal, García suggested a national referendum on the issue but it was blocked by Congress. Legislators who voted against the bill stated that it would be a breach of the American Convention on Human Rights to which Peru is a signatory. Approximately 3000 supporters of the proposal marched in Lima holding up photos of victims of attacks by the Shining Path.
On 5 June 2009, García ordered police and military forces to stop Amazonian Indigenous protesters from blocking roads in the Bagua region. They had been demonstrating against the signing by Alan García of special decrees that allowed foreign corporations to enter Indigenous lands for oil drilling, mining and logging. As a result of the protests and armed military incursion, more than 100 native civilians and 14 policemen were killed. The government claimed, in a redacted television commercial, that several policemen were killed after being taken prisoner, while protesters claimed the bodies of the murdered Native Amazonians had been dumped into the river.
With the passage of time, studies of human rights violations in Peru have discovered a close relationship between García and the forces within Peru who promote impunity for human rights violators. García was involved in colonizing the bench by placing inside the judiciary judges who would be sympathetic to perpetrators of human rights violations. Additionally, García was supportive of efforts to punish judges who handed down indictments of perpetrators. García himself was in the presidency during many gross violations of human rights and was quite hostile to human rights organizations and to judicial actors who seek justice for victims of human rights violations. During his presidency García sought to tilt the legal playing field in favour of the military and against victims. He also tried to make life difficult for NGOs seeking to help victims. For example, he offered extensive resources to defendants and military officers while creating new laws that would make it difficult for human rights NGOs to do their jobs, receive necessary resources, and pursue the advancement of judicial action that attempted to bring human rights violators to justice.
After being elected, in the months prior to his inauguration, García sought to heal Peru's relationship with Chile, which was stressed by the differences between the governments of Alejandro Toledo and Ricardo Lagos and severely impaired by former President Alberto Fujimori's extradition affair. García's intentions were well received by Michelle Bachelet, President of Chile, as she and García met and struck some preliminary agreements. These conversations eventually led to the final draft of a landmark economic agreement with Chile a month after García was sworn in.
On 9 November 2006, three months after being elected, García signed 12 commercial agreements with President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil, strengthening the relationship between the two countries. As part of the IIRSA programme and continuing integration efforts – including the August 2006 negotiations between Petrobras and Petroperú – these new agreements sought to further bilateral cooperation. García offered Peruvian hydropower to meet Brazil's growing energy needs, although further details were not disclosed.
After García left office his popularity never recovered, with critics frequently describing his acts while president as impulsive.
García ran for a third term as president in the 2016 Peruvian general election under the coalition Popular Alliance. The election's first round polls gave García 5.83% of the popular vote, preventing him from participating in the runoff election. Pedro Pablo Kuczynski was ultimately elected.
Odebrecht scandal and deathEdit
Peruvian press reported that in May 2012, after leaving office, he was paid US$100,000 to give a speech to Brazilian business leaders in São Paulo, money which was later characterized in the media as a kickback from Brazil's construction company Odebrecht.
In 2016 and 2017, five of his former ministers were accused of corruption by the Peruvian justice system: Yehude Simon (Prime Minister), Rosario Fernández (Minister of Justice), Mercedes Cabanillas (Minister of the Interior), Ántero Flores Aráoz (Minister of Defence) and Luis Nava (Minister of Production).
In November 2018, García was banned from leaving Peru by the court as a result of the Odebrecht scandal investigation. He entered the residence of the Uruguayan ambassador on 17 November, requesting asylum. However, on 3 December his request was denied, and he subsequently left the ambassador's residence.
On the morning of 17 April 2019, García shot himself in the head while hiding in his bedroom as he was being presented with a 10-day preliminary arrest warrant related to investigations for corruption and bribes his presidential secretary allegedly received from the Brazilian construction corporation. Initial reports stated that officers violated protocol allowing García to be alone to speak to his lawyer, resulting in the incident. He was taken to the hospital and underwent an emergency surgical procedure where he suffered from cardiac arrest three times. He later died from a "massive" cerebral hemorrhage and cardiorespiratory arrest. According to police sources, García used his personal Colt Anaconda revolver, which was given to him as a gift from the Peruvian Navy during his second term, and was among nine other firearms that the former president was licensed to own.
A few hours after his death was announced, García's body was taken in a wooden casket to the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance headquarters in Lima where a memorial service was held on the same day. President Martín Vizcarra declared a three-day mourning period.
Parliamentary elections (1978–1980)Edit
1978 Constituent Assembly election
|Peruvian Aprista Party||1,240,674||35.4|
|Christian People's Party||835,285||23.8|
|Worker Peasant Student and Popular Front||433,413||12.3|
|Revolutionary Socialist Party||323,520||6.6|
|Peruvian Communist Party||207,612||5.9|
|Popular Democratic Unity||160,741||4.5|
|National Front of Workers and Peasants||135,552||3.8|
|Christian Democratic Party||83,075||2.3|
|National Union Party||74,137||2.1|
|Pradist Democratic Movement||68,619||1.9|
|Socialist Revolutionary Action||20,164||0.5|
|Reformist Democratic Party||19,594||0.5|
- Francisco Belaúnde Terry (Popular Action) - 579,263 (39.166%)
- Alan García Pérez (Peruvian Aprista Party) - 333,901 (22.576%)
- Roberto Ramírez del Villar (Christian People's Party) - 223,161 (15.089%)
- Javier Diez Canseco (Popular Democratic Unity) - 70,496 (4.766%)
- Hugo Blanco (Workers' Revolutionary Party) - 70,190 (4.746%)
- Manuel Dammert Ego-Aguirre (Revolutionary Left Union) - 62,607 (4.233%)
- Antonio Meza-Cuadra (Unity of the Left) - 58,325 (3.944%)
- Luis Alberto Delgado Bejar (National Front of Workers and Peasants) - 19,731 (1.334%)
- César Passalacqua Pereyra (Worker Peasant Student and Popular Front) - 18,002 (1.217%)
- Raúl Beraún Schreiber (National Union) - 10,791 (0.730%)
- Ismael Frías Torrico (Political Organisation of the Peruvian Revolution) - 8,531 (0.577%)
- Alejandro Tudela Garland (Pradist Democratic Movement) - 5,425 (0.367%)
- Carlos Yumi Matsushiro (Independent List Nisei Civic Movement) - 5,257 (0.355%)
- Miguel Campos Arredondo (Socialist Political Action) - 4,405 (0.298%)
- Víctor Villavicencio Mendizabal (Progressive and Social Integration Party) - 3,664 (0.248%)
- Rogelio Escalante Peláez Socialist Party of Peru - 2,363 (0.160%)
- Vicente López Mesías (Independent List Province of Lima) - 1,659 (0.112%)
- Juan de Dios Cayo Muñoz (Independent List Popular Cooperation) - 1,242 (0.084%)
Presidential elections (1985–2016)Edit
1985 presidential election
|Alan García Pérez||Peruvian Aprista Party||3,457,030||53.110%|
|Alfonso Barrantes Lingán||United Left||1,606,914||24.687%|
|Luis Bedoya Reyes||Democratic Convergence||773,705||11.886%|
|Javier Alva Orlandini||Popular Action||472,627||7.261%|
|Roger Cáceres Velásquez||National Left||91,986||1.413%|
|Francisco Morales Bermúdez||Democratic Front of National Unity||54,560||0.838%|
|Jorge Campos Arredondo||National Progressive Party||26,757||0.411%|
|Ricardo Napurí Schapiro||Socialist Workers Party||15,607||0.240%|
|Peter Uculmana||National Civic Movement 7 June||10,020||0.154%|
2001 presidential election
|Candidate||Party||First round||Second round|
|Alejandro Toledo||Possible Peru||3,871,167||36.515%||5,548,556||53.079%|
|Alan García Pérez||Peruvian Aprista Party||2,732,857||25.777%||4,904,929||46.921%|
|Lourdes Flores||National Unity||2,576,653||24.304%|
|Fernando Olivera||Independent Moralizing Front||1,044,207||9.849%|
|Carlos Boloña||People's Solution||179,243||1.691%|
|Ciro Gálvez||Andean Renaissance||85,436||0.806%|
|Marco Arrunategui||Project Country||79,077||0.746%|
|Ricardo Noriega||All for Victory||33,080||0.312%|
2006 presidential election
|Candidates - Parties||Votes 1st round||% (Valid Votes)||Votes 2nd round||% (Valid Votes)|
|Ollanta Humala Tasso - Union for Peru (Unión por el Perú)||3,758,258||30.616||6,270,080||47.375|
|Alan García Pérez - Peruvian Aprista Party (Partido Aprista Peruano)||2,985,858||24.324||6,965,017||52.625|
|Lourdes Flores Nano - National Unity (Unidad Nacional)||2,923,280||23.814||-||-|
|Martha Chávez Cossio - Alliance for the Future (Alianza por el Futuro)||912,420||7.433||-||-|
|Valentín Paniagua Corazao - Center Front (Frente de Centro)||706,156||5.753||-||-|
|Humberto Lay Sun - National Restoration (Restauración Nacional)||537,564||4.379||-||-|
|Susana Villarán - Decentralization Coalition (Concertación Descentralista)||76,105||0.620||-||-|
|Jaime Salinas - National Justice (Justicia Nacional)||65,636||0.535||-||-|
|Javier Diez Canseco - Socialist Party (Partido Socialista)||60,955||0.497||-||-|
|Natale Amprimo - Alliance for Progress (Alianza Para el Progreso)||49,332||0.402||-||-|
|Pedro Koechlin Von Stein - With Force Peru (Con Fuerza Perú)||38,212||0.311||-||-|
|Alberto Moreno - New Left Movement (Movimiento Nueva Izquierda)||33,918||0.276||-||-|
|Alberto Borea - Democratic Force (Fuerza Democrática)||24,584||0.200||-||-|
|Ulises Humala - Go On Country (Avanza País)||24,518||0.200||-||-|
|Ciro Gálvez - Andean Renaissance (Renacimiento Andino)||22,892||0.186||-||-|
|Javier Espinoza - Let's Make Progress Peru (Progresemos Perú)||13,965||0.114||-||-|
|José Cardó Guarderas - Democratic Reconstruction (Reconstrucción Democrática)||11,925||0.097||-||-|
|Ántero Asto - Peruvian Resurgence (Resurgimiento Peruano)||10,857||0.088||-||-|
|Ricardo Wong - And It's Called Peru (Y se llama Perú)||10,539||0.086||-||-|
|Luis Guerrero - Peru Now (Perú Ahora)||8,410||0.069||-||-|
|Total valid (Turnout: 1st Round 88.706 %, 2nd Round 87.712 %)||12,275,384||100||13,235,097||100|
|Source: National Office of Electoral Processes.|
2016 presidential election
|Candidate||Party||First round||Second round|
|Keiko Fujimori||Popular Force||6,115,073||39.86||8,555,880||49.88|
|Pedro Pablo Kuczynski||Peruvians for Change||3,228,661||21.05||8,596,937||50.12|
|Verónika Mendoza||Broad Front||2,874,940||18.74|
|Alfredo Barnechea||Popular Action||1,069,360||6.97|
|Alan García Pérez||Popular Alliance||894,278||5.83|
|Gregorio Santos||Direct Democracy||613,173||4.00|
|Fernando Olivera||Hope Front||203,103||1.32|
|Alejandro Toledo||Possible Peru||200,012||1.30|
|Miguel Hilario||Developing Peru||75,870||0.49|
|Antero Flores Aráoz||Order Party||65,673||0.43|
García was the author of several books on Peruvian and Latin American affairs. Most of them may be found in the National Library of Peru. His published works include the following:
- 1981 A la Inmensa Mayoría: Discursos
- 1982 El Futuro Diferente
- 1987 El Desarme Financiero: Pueblo y Deuda en América Latina
- 1990 La Revolución Regional
- 1991 La Defensa de Alan García
- 1992 El Nuevo Totalitarismo
- 1994 El Mundo de Maquiavelo
- 1997 La Falsa Modernidad
- 1997 Siete Tesis Erróneas del Neoliberalismo en América Latina
- 1999 Mi Gobierno Hizo la Regionalización
- 2000 La Década Infame: Deuda Externa 1990–1999
- 2003 Modernidad y Política en el Siglo XXI: Globalización con Justicia Social
- 2005 Sierra Exportadora: Empleo, Modernidad y Justicia en Los Andes
- 2011 Contra el Temor Económico: Creer en el Perú
- 2012 Pida la Palabra: Por la Libertad, la Plenitud y el Exito
- 2012 Pizarro, el Rey de la Baraja: Política, confusión y dolor en la Conquista
- 2013 Noventa años de aprismo: Hay, hermanos, muchísimo que hacer
- 2013 Confucio y la globalización: Comprender China y crecer con ella
- Nick Caistor (18 April 2019). "Alan García obituary". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 19 April 2019. Retrieved 20 April 2019.
- "Alan Garcia". BBC News. 5 June 2006. Archived from the original on 17 April 2019. Retrieved 17 April 2019.
- "Fallece expresidente peruano Alan García tras dispararse para evitar detención por caso Odebrecht". teleSUR (in Spanish). 17 April 2019. Archived from the original on 17 April 2019. Retrieved 17 April 2019.
- García wins to become Peru president al-Jazeera, 5 June 2006
- "Welcome, Mr. Peruvian President: Why Alan García is no hero to his people". Council on Hemispheric Affairs. 2 June 2010. Archived from the original on 18 April 2019. Retrieved 18 April 2019.
- "The risk of throwing it all away". The Economist. 31 March 2011. Archived from the original on 10 March 2018. Retrieved 10 March 2018.
- "Ex-President Alan García of Peru Is Dead After Shooting Himself During Arrest". The New York Times. 17 April 2019. Archived from the original on 17 April 2019. Retrieved 17 April 2019.
- Marco Aquino, "Peru's former leader Garcia's political life at risk over pardons", Reuters, 18 April 2013 (in French).
- "Biografia de Alan García". www.biografiasyvidas.com. Archived from the original on 2019-04-17. Retrieved 2019-04-17.
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|Wikiquote has quotations related to: Alan García|
- Office of the President of the Republic of Peru official website
- (in Spanish) APRA's official site
- Latin Business Chronicle, "Leader of the Year 2008: Alan García", 23 December 2008
- (in Spanish) Extended biography by CIDOB Foundation
- Peru Election 2006 profile. The University of British Columbia
- "Exiled García back in Peru", BBC News Online, 28 January 2001
- cverdad.org (A brief report made by the Peruvian Commission of Truth involving Alan García)
- "Extract from article discussing García's 2006 election victory", 23 June 2006
- "Welcome to Washington, Mr. Peruvian President: Alan García Perez’s Regional Foreign Policy", Analysis by the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, 5 October 2006
|Party political offices|
Fernando León de Vivero
| General Secretary of the Peruvian Aprista Party
| President of the Peruvian Aprista Party
Fernando Belaúnde Terry
| President of Peru
| President of Peru
| Chairperson of APEC
Lee Hsien Loong