The Anfal genocide was a genocide that killed between 50,000 and 182,000 Kurds. It was committed during the Al-Anfal campaign (Harakat al-Anfal/Homleh al-Anfal) (Kurdish: پڕۆسەی ئەنفال) (Arabic: حملة الأنفال) led by Ali Hassan al-Majid against Kurdistan in northern Iraq during the final stages of the Iran–Iraq War.
|Part of the Iraqi–Kurdish conflict and the Iran–Iraq War|
Human remains found at a mass grave site in Iraqi Kurdistan, July 15, 2005
|Date||12 March 1986 – 7 June 1989 (in strict sense|
23 February 1988 – 6 September 1988)
|Target||Exterminating Kurdish opposition|
|Genocide, mass murder, ethnic cleansing, forced disappearance, counter-insurgency|
|Deaths||50,000–100,000 (according to Human Rights Watch, although Kurdish officials have claimed the figure could be as high as 182,000)|
|Perpetrators||Government of Iraq, especially Ali Hassan al-Majid|
|Motive||Anti-Kurdish sentiment, Arabization, Eliminate Peshmerga resistance and insurgency.|
The campaign's name was from Sura 8 (al-Anfal) in the Qur'an, which was used as a code name by the former Iraqi Ba'athist Government for a series of systematic attacks against the Kurdish fighters in northern Iraq between 1986 and 1989, with the peak in 1988. Sweden, Norway, South Korea and the United Kingdom officially recognize the Anfal campaign as genocide.
The genocide was part of the destruction of Kurdish villages during the Iraqi Arabization campaign.
Al-Anfal is the eighth sura, or chapter, of the Qur'an. It explains the triumph of 313 followers of the new Muslim faith over almost 900 pagans at the Battle of Badr in 624 AD. "Al Anfal" literally means the spoils (of war) and was used to describe the military campaign of extermination and looting commanded by Ali Hassan al-Majid. His orders informed jash (literally "donkey's foal" in Kurdish) units that taking cattle, sheep, goats, money, weapons and even Kurdish women was legal.
The Anfal campaign began in 1986, and lasted until 1989, and was headed by Ali Hassan al-Majid, a cousin of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein from Saddam's hometown of Tikrit. The Anfal campaign included the use of ground offensives, aerial bombing, systematic destruction of settlements, mass deportation, firing squads, and chemical warfare, which earned al-Majid the nickname of "Chemical Ali". The Iraqi Army was supported by Kurdish collaborators who were armed by the Iraqi government, so called Jash forces, who led the Iraqi troops to the Kurdish villages that often did not figure on maps as well as to their hideouts in the mountains. The Jash forces also promised the Kurdish population amnesties and gave their word of honor that a passage to flee was free, which both often turned out to be false.
Thousands of civilians were killed during the anti-insurgent campaigns stretching from the northern spring of 1987, to the northern fall of 1988. The attacks were part of a long campaign that destroyed approximately 4,500 Kurdish and at least 31 Assyrian Christian villages in areas of northern Iraq and displaced at least a million of the country's estimated 3.5 million Kurdish population. Amnesty International collected the names of more than 17,000 people who had "disappeared" in 1988. The campaign has been characterized as genocidal in nature. It is also characterized as gendercidal, because "battle-age" men were the primary targets, according to Human Rights Watch/Middle East. According to the Iraqi prosecutors and Kurdish officials, as many as 180,000 people were killed.
In March 1987, Ali Hassan al-Majid was appointed secretary-general of the Ba'ath Party's Northern Bureau, which included Iraqi Kurdistan. Under al-Majid, control of policies against the Kurdish insurgents passed from the Iraqi Army to the Ba'ath Party itself.
|Part of the Iraqi–Kurdish conflict and the Iran–Iraq War|
|Commanders and leaders|
|Casualties and losses|
|50,000–182,000 civilians killed|
Military operations and chemical attacksEdit
Anfal, officially conducted in 1988, had eight stages (Anfal 1 - Anfal 8) altogether, seven of which targeted areas controlled by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. The Kurdish Democratic Party-controlled areas in the northwest of Iraqi Kurdistan, which the regime regarded as a lesser threat, were the target of the Final Anfal operation in late August and early September, 1988. For those assaults, the Iraqis mustered up to 200,000 soldiers with air support, against Kurdish guerrilla forces that numbered no more than a few thousand.
The first Anfal stage was conducted between 23 February and 18 March 1988. It was targeted the Jafali Valley at the border to Iran, where the headquarters of the PUK was seated. The villages Sargallu, Bargallu, Gwezeela, Chalawi, Haladin and Yakhsamar were attacked with poison gas. During mid March, the PUK, in an alliance with Iranian troops and other Kurdish factions, captured Halabja. This led to the poison gas attack on Halabja on 16 March 1988 during which 3,200–5,000 Kurdish people were killed, most of them civilians. The Peshmerga managed to open a flight route to Iran through which a part of the population in the Jafali Valley was able to flee. During the first Anfal campaign no prisoners were made by the Iraqi army.
During the second Anfal from 22 March and 2 April 1988 the region Qara Dag, southwest of the city Suleimanya, was targeted. Again several villages were attacked with poison gas. Villages attacked with poisonous gas were Safaran, Sewsenan, Belekjar, Serko and Meyoo. As a result of the attack, the majority of the population in the Qara Dagh region fled in direction Suleimanya. Many fugitives were detained by the Iraqi forces, and the men were separated from the women. The men were not seen again. The women were transported to camps. The population that managed to flee, fled to the Garmia region.
In the next Anfal campaign from 7 April to 20 April 1988, the Garmian region east of Suleimanya was targeted. In this campaign many women and children disappeared. The only village attacked with chemical weapons was Tazashar. Many were lured to come towards the Iraqi forces due to an Amnesty which was announced through a loudspeaker of a mosque in Qader Karam from 10 - 12 April. The announced amnesty was a trap, and many who surrendered were detained. Some civilians were able to bribe Kurdish collaborators of the Iraqi Army and fled to Laylan or Shorsh.
Anfal 4 took place between 3 - 8 May 1988 in the valley of the Little Zab near Kirkuk. Major poisonous gas attacks were perpetrated in Askar and Goptapa. Again it was announced an amnesty was issued, which turned out to be false. Many of the ones who surrendered were arrested. Men were separated from the women.
Anfal 5, 6 and 7Edit
In these 3 consecutive attacks between 15 May and 16 of August 1988 the valleys of Rawandiz and Shaqlawa were targeted and they had different success. The Anfal 5 failed completely, therefore two more attacks were necessary to gain Iraqi governmental control over the valleys. The Peshmerga commander of the region, Kosrat Abdullah was well prepared for a long siege with storages of ammunition and food. He also achieved an agreement with the Kurdish collaborators of the Iraqi Army, so the civilians could flee. The villages Hiran, Balisan, Smaquli, Malakan, Shek Wasan, Ware, Seran ans Kaniba were attacked with poisonous gas. After the Anfal 7 Attack the valleys were under the control of the Iraqi government.
The last Anfal was aimed at the region controlled by the KDP, Badinan and took place from 25 August to 6 September 1988. In this campaign the villages Wirmeli, Barkavreh, Bilejane, Glenaska, Zewa Shkan, Tuka and Ikmala were targeted with chemical attacks. After tens of thousands of Kurds fled to Turkey, the Iraqi Army blocked the route to Turkey on the 26 August 1988. Following, the population who did not manage to flee was arrested, the men separated from the women and children. Men were executed, and the women and children brought to camps.
Concentration camps and exterminationEdit
When captured, Kurdish populations were transported to detention centers (notably Topzawa, near the city of Kirkuk), and adult and teenage males viewed as possible insurgents were separated from the civilians. According to Human Rights Watch/Middle East,
With only minor variations... the standard pattern for sorting new arrivals [at Topzawa was as follows]. Men and women were segregated on the spot as soon as the trucks had rolled to a halt in the base's large central courtyard or parade ground. The process was brutal. ... A little later, the men were further divided by age, small children were kept with their mothers, and the elderly and infirm were shunted off to separate quarters. Men and teenage boys considered to be of an age to use a weapon were herded together. Roughly speaking, this meant males of between fifteen and fifty, but there was no rigorous check of identity documents, and strict chronological age seems to have been less of a criterion than size and appearance. A strapping twelve-year-old might fail to make the cut; an undersized sixteen-year-old might be told to remain with his female relatives.... It was then time to process the younger males. They were split into smaller groups.... Once duly registered, the prisoners were hustled into large rooms, or halls, each filled with the residents of a single area.... Although the conditions at Topzawa were appalling for everyone, the most grossly overcrowded quarter seem to have been those where the male detainees were held.... For the men, beatings were routine. (Iraq's Crime of Genocide, pp. 143–45. ISBN 0-300-06427-6)
After a few days in the camps, the men accused of being insurgents were trucked off to be killed in mass executions.
In its book Iraq's Crime of Genocide, Human Rights Watch/Middle East writes: "Throughout Iraqi Kurdistan, although women and children vanished in certain clearly defined areas, adult males who were captured disappeared in mass. ... It is apparent that a principal purpose of Anfal was to exterminate all adult males of military service age captured in rural Iraqi Kurdistan." (pp. 96, 170). Only a handful survived the execution squads. Even amidst this most systematic slaughter of adult men and boys, however, "hundreds of women and young children perished, too," but "the causes of their deaths were different—gassing, starvation, exposure, and willful neglect—rather than bullets fired from a Kalashnikov." (Iraq's Crime of Genocide, p. 191.) Nevertheless, on 1 September 2004, U.S. forces in Iraq discovered hundreds of bodies of Kurdish women and children at the site near al-Hatra, who are believed to be executed in early 1988, or late 1987.
The focus of the Iraqi killing campaign varied from one stage of Anfal to another. The most exclusive targeting of the male population occurred during the final Anfal (25 August – 6 September 1988). It was launched immediately after the signing of a ceasefire with Iran, which allowed the transfer of large numbers of men and amount of matériel from the southern battlefronts. The final Anfal focused on "the steep, narrow valleys of Badinan, a four-thousand-square mile (10,360 km²) chunk of the Zagros Mountains bounded on the east by the Great Zab and on the north by Turkey." There, uniquely in the Anfal campaigns, lists of the "disappeared" provided to Human Rights Watch/Middle East by survivors "invariably included only adult and teenage males, with the single exception of Assyrians and Yezidi Kurds," who were subsidiary targets of the slaughter. Many of the men of Badinan did not even make it as far as "processing" stations but were simply "lined up and murdered at their point of capture, summarily executed by firing squads on the authority of a local military officer." (Iraq's Crime of Genocide, pp. 178, 190, 192; on the fate of the Christians and Yezidi Kurds, see pp. 209–13.)
On 20 June 1987, Directive SF/4008 was issued, under al-Majid's signature. Of greatest significance is clause 5. Referring to those areas designated "prohibited zones," al-Majid ordered that "all persons captured in those villages shall be detained and interrogated by the security services and those between the ages of 15 and 70 shall be executed after any useful information has been obtained from them, of which we should be duly notified." However, it seems clear from the application of the policy that it referred only to males "between the ages of 15 and 70." Human Rights Watch/Middle East takes that as given and writes that clause 5's "order [was] to kill all adult males" and later writes: "Under the terms of al-Majid's June 1987, directives, death was the automatic penalty for any male of an age to bear arms who was found in an Anfal area." (Iraq's Crime of Genocide, pp. 11, 14.) A subsequent directive on 6 September 1987, supports this conclusion: it calls for "the deportation of... families to the areas where there saboteur relatives are..., except for the male [members], between the ages of 12 inclusive and 50 inclusive, who must be detained." (Cited in Iraq's Crime of Genocide, p. 298.)
"Arabization," another major element of al-Anfal, was a tactic used by Saddam Hussein's regime to drive pro-insurgent populations out of their homes in villages and cities like Kirkuk, which are in the valuable oil field areas, and relocate them in the southern parts of Iraq. The campaign used heavy population redistribution, most notably in Kirkuk, the results of which now plague negotiations between Iraq's Shi'a United Iraqi Alliance and the Kurdish Kurdistani Alliance. Saddam's Ba'athist regime built several public housing facilities in Kirkuk as part of his "Arabization," shifting poor Arabs from Iraq's southern regions to Kirkuk with the lure of inexpensive housing. Another part of the arabization campaign was the census of October 1987. Citizens who failed to turn up for the October 1987 Census were not anymore recognized as Iraqi citizens. Most of the Kurdish population who learned that a census is taking place, did not take part in the census.
Iraq's Kurds now strongly resent Arabs still residing in Ba'ath-era Kirkuk housing and view them as a barrier to Kirkuk's recognition as a Kurdish city (and regional seat) in the Kurdish Autonomous Region. Major General Wafiq al Samarrai is quoted to have said: "You can kill half a million Kurds in Erbil, but it wont change anything, it will still be Kurdish, but killing 50`000 Kurds in Kirkuk will finish the Kurdish cause forever."
In September 1988 the Iraqi Government was satisfied with its achievements. The male population between 15 and 50 has either been killed or fled. The Kurdish resistance fled to Iran and was no longer a threat for Iraq. An amnesty was issued and the detained women, children and elderly were released.
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In August 2013, after many years of relationship-building, Imani Lee Language Services entered a multi-year and multi-phased agreement with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), a self-proclaimed autonomous state within the borders of Iraq, on an important project of historical significance.
The first phase of the project concerned the translation of historical documents related to the events that happened in Halabja, Kurdistan, Iraq on 16 March 1988, when Saddam Hussein's regime bombed the entire district with chemical weapons in the closing days of the Iran–Iraq War, resulting in the deaths of an estimated 5,000 Kurds. The attack on Halabja has been well-documented as being the single most brutal attack of the regime as well as the deadliest chemical weapons attack against a civilian population in the history of the world. Today, many of the living Kurdish civilians affected by the chemical attack still suffer from various illnesses both psychological and physical in addition to the birth defects of their progeny.
For years, the victims of the attack and the KRG have tried to tell their story to the rest of the world. Their effort has included petitioning international countries to recognize the attack as an official act of genocide.
The Kurdish Genocide has been published in Halabja: Facing the Poisons of Death, A Legal Reading of the Event and the Supreme Iraqi Criminal Court Documents, authored by Bakr Hamah Seddik Arif, a lawyer and member of the Iraqi Parliament.
According to Human Rights Watch, during the Anfal campaign, the Iraqi government did the following:
- Massacred 50,000 to 100,000 non-combatant civilians, including women and children. However, Kurdish officials have claimed the figure could be as high as 182,000.
- Destroyed about 4,000 villages (out of 4,655) in Iraqi Kurdistan. Between April 1987, and August 1988, 250 towns and villages were exposed to chemical weapons;
- Destroyed 1,754 schools, 270 hospitals, 2,450 mosques, and 27 churches;
- Wiped out around 90% of Kurdish villages in the targeted areas.
- Made 2,000 Assyrian Christians, along with Kurds and others, victims of gas campaigns.
Violation of human rightsEdit
The campaigns of 1987–89 were characterized by the following human rights violations:
- mass summary executions and mass disappearance of many tens of thousands of non-combatants, including large numbers of women and children, and sometimes the entire population of villages; 17,000 persons are known to have disappeared in 1988 alone. [Ibid. 11]
- the widespread use of chemical weapons, including mustard gas and the nerve agent GB, or sarin, against the town of Halabja as well as dozens of Kurdish villages, killing many thousands of people, mainly women and children;
- the wholesale destruction of some 2,000 villages, which are described in government documents as having been "burned", "destroyed", "demolished" and "purified", as well as at least a dozen larger towns and administrative centers (nahyas and qadhas); Since 1975, some 4,000 Kurdish villages have been destroyed by the former Iraqi regime.
- Human Rights Watch/Middle East estimates that between 50,000 and 100,000 people were killed. Some Kurdish sources put the number higher, estimating 182,000 Kurds were killed.
- In 1989, army engineers destroyed the last major Kurdish town near the Iranian border. Qala Dizeh had a population of 70,000 before it was razed. Afterwards, the surrounding area was considered a "prohibited area".
Frans van AnraatEdit
In December 2005 a court in The Hague convicted Frans van Anraat of complicity in war crimes for his role in selling chemical weapons to the Iraqi government. He was given a 15-year sentence. The court also ruled that the killing of thousands of Kurds in Iraq in the 1980s was indeed an act of genocide. In the 1948 Genocide Convention, the definition of genocide is "acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group". The Dutch court said that it was considered "legally and convincingly proven that the Kurdish population meets the requirement under the Genocide Conventions as an ethnic group. The court has no other conclusion than that these attacks were committed with the intent to destroy the Kurdish population of Iraq".
Trial of Saddam HusseinEdit
In an interview broadcast on Iraqi television on 6 September 2005, Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, a respected Kurdish politician, said that judges had directly extracted confessions from Saddam Hussein that he had ordered mass killings and other crimes during his regime and that he deserves to die. Two days later, Saddam's lawyer denied that he had confessed.
In June 2006, the Iraqi Special Tribunal announced that Saddam Hussein and six co-defendants would face trial on 21 August 2006, in relation to the Anfal campaign. In December 2006, Saddam was put on trial for the genocide during Operation Anfal. The trial for the Anfal campaign was still underway on 30 December 2006, when Saddam Hussein was executed for his role in the unrelated Dujail Massacre.
The Anfal trial recessed on 21 December 2006, and when it resumed on 8 January 2007, the remaining charges against Saddam Hussein were dropped. Six co-defendants continued to stand trial for their roles in the Anfal campaign. On 23 June 2007, Ali Hassan al-Majid, and two co-defendants, Sultan Hashem Ahmed and Hussein Rashid Mohammed l, were convicted of genocide and related charges and sentenced to death by hanging. Another two co-defendants (Farhan Jubouri and Saber Abdel Aziz al-Douri) were sentenced to life imprisonment, and one (Taher Tawfiq al-Ani) was acquitted on the prosecution's demand.
Al-Majid was charged with war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. He was convicted in June 2007, and was sentenced to death. His appeal of the death sentence was rejected on 4 September 2007, he was sentenced to death for the fourth time on 17 January 2010, and was hanged eight days later, on 25 January 2010.
|#||Name||Date of recognition||Source|
|1||Norway||21 November 2012|||
|2||Sweden[disputed ]||5 December 2012|||
|3||United Kingdom||1 March 2013|||
|4||South Korea||13 June 2013|||
On 5 December 2012, Sweden's parliament, the Riksdag, adopted a resolution by the Green party to officially recognize Anfal as genocide. The resolution was passed by all 349 members of parliament.[disputed ] On 28 February 2013, the British House of Commons formally recognized the Anfal as genocide following a campaign led by Conservative MP Nadhim Zahawi, who is of Kurdish descent
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